Four Years, Four Plans
by
Laurence
M. Vance
by Laurence M. Vance
DIGG THIS
"The
situation in Iraq is unacceptable to the American people – and
it is unacceptable to me." ~ President George W. Bush
As of today,
March 20, the debacle that is the war in Iraq has now dragged on
for four years. The United States defeated Nazi Germany in less
time than we have been fighting ill-equipped terrorists, insurgents,
and "ragheads." One would think that if "the situation"
was so unacceptable that some significant plans would be made for
changing it.
Think again.
Ever since
it has became evident that Bush’s "Mission
Accomplished" accomplished nothing in Iraq but more destabilization,
disintegration, destruction, and death (over 3,000 American soldiers
have now been killed since Bush proclaimed "Mission
Accomplished" – some mission), there has been a lot of hot
air expended from many who initially supported the war but now say
that we need a plan for ending it.
Although its
seems as though every politician and pundit has an idea to end the
war, the real plans for ending the war in Iraq can be reduced to
just four.
The Republican
Plan
This is a Republican
war. Although some Democrats voted for the "Authorization for
Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002," which
passed the House by a vote of 296-133, passed the Senate by a vote
of 77-23, and was signed into law (PL 107-243) by President Bush
on October 16, 2002, the Republicans didn’t need any Democratic
votes to get the measure passed. Only six principled Republicans
in the House voted against the resolution (John Duncan, John Hostettler,
Amo Houghton, James Leach, Constance Morella, & Ron Paul). Only
one Republican in the Senate voted against it – Lincoln Chafee of
Rhode Island.
The Republican
Plan, whether it is termed "stay the course," "surge,"
"escalation," "supporting democracy," "nation
building," "new way forward," or "other options,"
is a plan to continue the war for some indefinite period. Sure,
say the Republicans, we want to end the war someday, but since that
day might be far into the future, we shouldn’t set any definite
dates for withdrawing from Iraq lest the region "descend into
total chaos" or we "embolden radical Muslims" or
we "validate the terrorists’ strategy." As the war drags
on, additional troops may be sent to die one year followed by troop
withdrawals in the next – it really doesn’t matter. The Republican
Plan is a plan that prescribes perpetual war for perpetual peace.
Many conservatives
and Republicans who now say they oppose the war and want to end
it are only saying so because of how badly the war has turned out.
Many of them are already talking about the inevitability of war
with Iran, Syria, North Korea, and other "rogue states"
that make up the "axis of evil." When those wars don’t
go as planned, these same conservatives and Republicans may begin
opposing them as well, but will never call for a change in America’s
belligerent foreign policy.
The vast majority
of Republicans in Congress have no principles other than party loyalty.
It doesn’t matter what the cause, if a Republican president says
we need to go to war then we must "support the president"
and "support the troops."
What would
happen if Bush suddenly changed course and announced a total withdrawal
of all U.S. forces from Iraq? Limbaugh, Hannity, and the Hannitized
dittoheads who hang on their every word would then line up behind
the president like cattle before a stunning box. Anyone who then
wanted to continue the war would be denounced as a warmonger who
was being disloyal to the president.
But are the
Democrats any better?
The Democratic
Plan
The Democrats
who control Congress also have a plan to end the war. See the Republican
plan. Really.
Although the
Democratic plan might be termed "supporting the troops,"
"phased withdrawal," "change of mission," "setting
benchmarks," "a new direction," "mission shifting,"
"timetable for troop withdrawal", or "redeployment"
– all backed, of course, by nonbinding
resolutions – I suspect that most of the Democratic opposition
to the war is not out of principle, but out of political considerations.
After all, eighty-one Democrats in the House
and twenty-nine Democrats in the Senate
voted for the "Authorization for Use of Military Force Against
Iraq Resolution of 2002."
True, there
are a few principled Democrats who have consistently opposed the
war from the beginning. Senator Robert
Byrd comes to mind, who stated soon after the war began:
Regarding
the situation in Iraq, it appears to this senator that the American
people may have been lured into accepting the unprovoked invasion
of a sovereign nation, in violation of longstanding International
law, under false premises. There is ample evidence that the horrific
events of September 11 have been carefully manipulated to switch
public focus from Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda, who masterminded
the September 11 attacks, to Saddam Hussein, who did not. The
run-up to our invasion of Iraq featured the President and members
of his Cabinet invoking every frightening image they could conjure,
from mushroom clouds, to buried caches of germ warfare, to drones
poised to deliver germ-laden death in our major cities. We were
treated to a heavy dose of overstatement concerning Saddam Hussein's
direct threat to our freedoms.
Byrd
also recently said about Bush’s troops surge: "At the outset
of this war, the Bush administration believed, apparently, that
democracy could be exported through the barrel of a gun. That belief
was wrong then; it is wrong still today. Twenty thousand more troops
won’t make it right."
But as Justin
Raimondo wrote after the November elections: "The idea
that the Democratic capture of Congress means that we’ve reclaimed
American foreign policy for the people is a charming idea, but unfortunately
it is very far from the truth." Not only do the Democrats in
Congress have no intention of cutting off funding for the war, they
plan to increase funding. Said
the chairman of a defense spending panel overseeing war funds, Representative
John
Murtha (D-PA) – who once called Bush’s Iraq policy "a flawed
policy wrapped in illusion" – "There will be $98 billion
for the military part." This is about $5 billion more than
what Bush has requested.
No impeachment
of Bush, no denouncement of Bush as a war criminal, no slashing
of the military budget, no cutting off funding for the war, and
no change in America’s foreign policy.
The Curtis
LeMay Plan
Curtis LeMay
(1906-1990) was the infamous Air Force general who was responsible
for the fire-bombing of Tokyo during World War II. On the first
night alone, sixteen square miles of the city were incinerated and
100,000 people were killed. According to LeMay: "Killing Japanese
didn't bother me very much at that time. . . I suppose if I had
lost the war, I would have been tried as a war criminal. . . . Every
soldier thinks something of the moral aspects of what he is doing.
But all war is immoral and if you let that bother you, you’re not
a good soldier."
Although he
ran for vice president on the Wallace ticket in 1968, LeMay is instead
remembered for his approach to the "problem" of North
Vietnam: "My solution to the problem would be to tell them
frankly that they’ve got to draw in their horns and stop their aggression,
or we’re going to bomb them back into the Stone Age."
He also said:
- "There
are no innocent civilians."
- "If
you kill enough of them, they stop fighting."
- "I
think there are many times when it would be most efficient to
use nuclear weapons."
So how would
the LeMay plan work in Iraq? Simple. First, get every available
M1 Abrams tank.
Then purchase some Caterpillar
D9 armored bulldozers from the Israeli Defense Forces. Next,
line up half of the tanks and bulldozers on the southwestern border
of Iraq with Saudi Arabia and the other half on the northeastern
border of Iraq with Iran. Then it is "Gentlemen,
start your engines," followed by every tank and bulldozer
slowly moving toward Mesopotamia, destroying everything and everybody
that gets in the way.
Am I in favor
of this plan? Of course not. Would it be immoral? Absolutely.
The LeMay Plan
is a truly bipartisan plan that would please all Democratic/Republican
and liberal/conservative warmongers. This is the plan to "unleash
hell" that many "Red
State" Republicans are wanting. It is a plan of "total
war" that General
Sherman would be proud of.
The LeMay Plan
is a plan that those who follow Objectivism can call their own.
It was bad enough when the president of the Ayn
Rand Institute, Yaron Brook, advocated
back in December of 2004 that the United States military should
"be a lot more brutal," "bring this war to the civilians,"
and turn "Fallujah into dust," but now, writing in the
premier issue of The
Objective Standard, he states:
Doing whatever
is necessary in war means doing whatever is necessary.
Once the facts are rationally evaluated, if it is found that using
tactical nuclear weapons against Iran’s nuclear facilities or
flattening Fallujah to end the Iraqi insurgency will save American
lives, then these actions are morally mandatory, and to refrain
from taking them is morally evil.
The morally
evil LeMay plan is a plan that many Americans want or at least wouldn’t
question, but are afraid to express their support for publicly.
The LeMay Plan
is also an ecumenical plan that would please bloodthirsty Christian
warmongers who want the U.S. military to do their bidding so they
don’t have to get their hands dirty. The
Christians who write me and say that we should "kill ’em all
and let Allah sort ’em out" would be ecstatic. John
Hagee and the other members of the Christian
axis of evil would jump for joy. Syndicated columnist Cal Thomas,
who
says that "this war should be stepped up and fought like
World War II," would have his wish. It is unfortunate that
some Christians would be among the first people to justify such
a plan of death and destruction. I have previously examined some
reasons why this is so in my article "Killing
Heartily in the Name of the Lord."
The Right
Plan
The right plan
is the immediate withdrawal of all U.S. forces from Iraq. Today.
Now. Not when Iraq has a stable government, not when the "sectarian
violence" comes to an end, not when the next U.S. president
takes office, not next year, not next month, not next week, not
tomorrow – today, right now. Could the entire U.S. military leave
Iraq today? Of course not. But there are some things that definitely
could be done. We could announce to the world that our invasion
was a terrible mistake. We could apologize for the death and destruction
we caused. We could tell our "coalition partners" that
we led them astray. Could all the killing, bombing, and shooting
stop today? Yes. Could the troops start packing? Of course. Could
every available truck, plane, and ship fuel up and get ready to
transport U.S. troops? Certainly.
An immediate
withdrawal is the right plan because the war was a grave injustice
and a monstrous wrong from the very beginning. We withdrew all of
our forces from Lebanon in 1984. We withdrew all of our forces from
the Philippines in 1992. We withdrew all of our forces from Somalia
in 1994. We can withdraw all our forces from Iraq in 2007.
When
I wrote an article last year on the occasion of the third anniversary
of the war, I reported that 2,317 American soldiers had died so
far in this immoral and unnecessary war. The number is now up to
3,218. How many current and future American soldiers will die before
the fifth anniversary comes and goes? Will any of them be your friends
or relatives?
March
20, 2007
Laurence
M. Vance [send him mail]
is a freelance writer and an adjunct instructor in accounting at
Pensacola Junior College in Pensacola, FL. He is also the director
of the Francis Wayland
Institute. He is the author of Christianity
and War and Other Essays Against the Warfare State. His latest
book is King
James, His Bible, and Its Translators. Visit his
website.
Copyright
© 2007 LewRockwell.com
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