A Class
Act
by
Jeffrey A. Tucker
The
skinny on Spiderman 2 is that this is a movie that even movie snobs
can love, and there's certain truth in this view. Its characters
are more introspective and thoughtful than other superhero fare,
and its social-critical undercurrent isn't overtly political enough
to become annoying. In fact, its leftist core is barely discernable
to most viewers; indeed, the over-arching critique of socialized
crime control makes this a movie libertarians can love.
Leftist
core? Let me explain. Spiderman has long been the approved superhero
of the left, and the movie shows why. Peter Parker (Spiderman as
civilian) is brilliant and gifted, but he is of working class origins,
lives in a dumpy old apartment, and barely makes ends meet. His
intelligence can only be employed to his advantage so long as he
is in costume, at which point his gifted powers can be used to maximum
effect (so long as he believes in them).
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The
equivalent of Spiderman in the real world is the not
the mayor, police chief, or cop on the beat, but the
private security agency, the entrepreneur who started
the gated community, the manufacturer of the stun gun.
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Otherwise
his intelligence and powers have a limit in this bourgeois world:
they cannot help him avoid his grasping landlord or bail out his
aunt whose house is being taken by the bank. Parker's employers
are cruel to him, a fact that seems to be necessitated by the cash
nexus. Parker's only real source of income is to sell photographs
of Spiderman to the newspaper. Hence is he forced to commodify himself
into visual imagery just to survive.
This
has all the makings of a dialectic that calls down the need for
revolutionary change. The dialectic encompasses not only Parker
but everyone around him. The class origins of others in his circle
are barely disguised. His girlfriend Mary Jane is from the same
background, though she has landed a part in a theater production
of "The Importance of Being Earnest," Oscar Wilde's hilarious send
up of the London upper class and an exposé of its essential phoniness
and artificiality. This is a wonderful play but "no accident" (as
the Marxists say) that it was chosen as the fiction-within-the-fiction.
Mary
Jane's face appears on thousands of advertisements all over the
city she is beautiful after all but even her act of
image commodification doesn't somehow pay the bills. Her
face is merely exploited in the service of consumer vanity and corporate
greed. As a way out, she considers marrying "up" by attaching herself
to some handsome young society man, but we discover later that he
is the son of a newspaper editor who himself is probably one generation
away from proletarian roots, and she doesn't love him anyway. Her
true love is Peter, who embraces his class identity.
The
villains in Spiderman emerged, predictably, from the milieu
of the techno-corporate world where the pressure is always toward
making gizmos of ever more power and might that will supposedly
supply the world with energy, light, food, or whatever it may be.
But the attempt to feed the voracious appetites of the mass consumer
end up creating hubristic monsters bent on world hegemony. In this
film, the corporate-villain is Ozcorp no need to comment
on the message behind that name.
As
for Spiderman's choice he can give up his superhero status
and marry the love of his life, or he can dedicate himself to his
calling above all else is merely the re-rendering of the
mythical professional revolutionary of socialist lore. In the stories
told on the left, history is filled with great heroes who gave up
private pleasure to dedicate themselves to the cause of bending
history toward its rightful path: Marx, Lenin, Che, et al.
Thus
can we see why Political
Affairs, the Marxist journal, praised Spiderman as allegory
of "populist identification with an ordinary character’s day-to-day
frailties in corporate America, but also the desire to escape them
and flee from the mundane cruelties of life. There is a hope here
for something better, a higher striving, another freer existence."
(For the same reason, the left has always hated Batman, the aristocrat
of inherited wealth whose powers are not granted but built by private
innovation.)
But
you know what? All this talk about this class and that class means
nothing at all to the American middle class, which imagines the
category as so fluid in reality as to be meaningless in any structural
way. Perhaps an ideological theory of class really stung in London
in the 1890s and perhaps it still does overseas, where the institutional
structure limits class mobility. But the idea of fixed stations
in life stemming from class origins has never had any serious resonance
in the United States, where all classes are commercial classes to
some extent and there remains an essential truth in the observation
that one can buy oneself social position.
The
old planters of the original American "aristocracy" were self-made.
The same was true of the industrialists. Even the upper class in
the Gilded Age was unashamedly self-made. To be one generation away
from the gutter has always been a badge of honor in the United States,
while membership in the rolls of "heritage organizations" that classify
people by birth origin are restricted to aficionados.
When
Americans are shown an image of a working class kid with superior
intelligence who is behind on the rent, they don't think: "overthrow
the capitalist system!"; they say: "get that kid a scholarship!"
When we hear of an old lady being evicted from her home, we don't
think: "Expropriate the expropriators!"; we say, "she should contact
her pastor right away and get her local church involved." We can't
imagine that there is any contradiction between being pro-market
and being working class.
As
for the bad-guy corporate big wigs inventing gizmos to run the world,
we enjoy the fantasy but in the end, we know that the only way a
business ever really gets "out of control" is when it is linked
with the state. Otherwise, they are wholly dependent on the consumer
to grant and take away "power," such as it is.
Thus
are the class-based socialist themes in Spiderman completely lost
on American audiences. What is not lost on us is the fabulous portrayal
about crimes and government in American cities. The cops seem to
do nothing but buzz around and get in wrecks. The government is
simply invisible as a service-providing agency. After Spiderman
gives up crime fighting, crime soars to 75% and no one seems to
have any idea what to do about it, certainly not the police.
Fighting
crime is a purely private activity, and Spiderman himself functions
as a kind of private vigilante, making up for the failures of the
supposed "public good" provisions that the state never gets around
to providing. It is these themes the chaos of the city, the
inability of government to stop crime, our dependence out private
solutions that connect with us. The equivalent of Spiderman
in the real world is the not the mayor, police chief, or cop on
the beat, but the private security agency, the entrepreneur who
started the gated community, the manufacturer of the stun gun.
As
for Spiderman's choice of private life over public service, this
is not a choice that confronts only the Marxist revolutionary, but
also the intellectual or activist dedicated to liberty. Mises might
have landed a position at Harvard after his immigration to the US
had he been willing to go along with socialism or Keynesianism.
There can be no question that Rothbard would have been in the Ivy
League had he been willing to forego his political attachment to
anarcho-capitalism. The history of liberty is strewn with great
men and woman who paid a heavily professional price for their dedication.
To
be dedicated to the defense of liberty, property, and commercial
freedom is to stand up against the state at home and abroad and
to be wedded to the wonderful ideal of freedom itself. And yes,
there is always price to be paid. Like Spiderman, many freedom-minded
intellectuals have had to look out over the horizon and imagine
how much simpler and easier life would be if they would just be
willing to give an inch here and there. They are usually right.
The libertarians are the real idealists, giving up pecuniary
reward for the sake of a larger goal!
Spiderman
fits not the leftist model of sacrifice for the revolution but the
Misesian genius, who is far from being rich for it:
It
may well be that he who gives new values to mankind, or who is
capable of so giving, suffers want and poverty. But there is no
way to prevent this effectively. The creative spirit innovates
necessarily. It must press forward. It must destroy the old and
set the new in its place. It could not conceivably be relieved
of this burden. If it were it would cease to be a pioneer. Progress
cannot be organized. It is not difficult to ensure that the genius
who has completed his work shall be crowned with laurel; that
his mortal remains shall be laid in a grave of honor and monuments
erected to his memory. But it is impossible to smooth the way
that he must tread if he is to fulfill his destiny. Society can
do nothing to aid progress. If it does not load the individual
with quite unbreakable chains, if it does not surround the prison
in which it encloses him with quite unsurmountable walls, it has
done all that can be expected of it. Genius will soon find a way
to win its own freedom. Socialism, p. 167
But
just as Spiderman saw his calling more clearly as the crime became
rampant, so too do libertarians see their calling more clearly when
they imagine a world where the state faces no opposition at all.
Also making that choice are people who donate money to the cause
of liberty, knowing that governments and large corporations are
the last to support principled scholarship. In order to do what
is right, we must all make a sacrifice of ourselves. This was the
lesson Spiderman learned, and this is one we can learn from him.
July
20, 2004
Jeffrey
Tucker [send him mail]
is editorial vice president of www.Mises.org.
Copyright
© 2004 LewRockwell.com
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Tucker Archives
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