Rumsfeld's Ruminations Reinforce Reservations
by
Jim Lobe
by Jim Lobe
They
normally come in the form of simple, one or two-paragraph queries,
affectionately, and sometimes not so affectionately, referred to
by his underlings and colleagues as "snowflakes."
But
Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld's latest ruminations blew in like
a freak autumn blizzard, catching official Washington off-guard
and leaving spokespersons scrambling for guidance that could reassure
reporters, Congress and the public that, yes, the situations in
Iraq and Afghanistan really are completely under control.
The
leak of a dour, two-page memo addressed to four of Rumsfeld's top
aides and filled with a series of fundamental questions that most
experts would have expected to have been thought out long ago is
the latest indication of serious disarray even self-doubt
among the Bush administration hawks who led the march to war in
Iraq.
Coming
two weeks into a major administration public-relations campaign
to persuade the public that things in Iraq are going much better
than the press is reporting and on the eve of a donors conference
in Madrid designed to persuade U.S. allies to cough up billions
of dollars in reconstruction aid for Iraq, the timing for airing
Rumsfeld's worries could not be much worse.
The
memo, which appeared in USA Today on Wednesday and, among
other things, confirms that the Pentagon has failed even to establish
benchmarks in its "global war on terror" to measure whether
it is winning or losing, comes on top of a number of other embarrassments
this week around the U.S.-led occupation of Iraq.
They
began with the continuing reverberations from last week's disclosure
that the Pentagon official in charge of tracking down former Iraqi
President Saddam Hussein and the leadership of the al-Qaeda terrorist
group, Lt Gen William Boykin, is something of a Christian fanatic.
Boykin
has appeared in uniform in churches around the country the past
two years proclaiming, among other things, that the enemy in the
'war on terrorism' "is a guy named Satan" and that the
god worshipped by Muslims is "an idol."
While
several powerful lawmakers, including leading Republicans, demanded
that Boykin immediately step down or at least be reassigned to a
less sensitive post, the Pentagon said only that it would investigate
if he violated any laws or regulations but that no further action
was being considered.
The
next blow came from abroad. After wrangling for months to get a
clearly reluctant Turkish parliament to authorise the contribution
of as many as 10,000 troops to U.S.-led occupation forces in Iraq,
the administration hinted this week it may soon cancel the idea
in the face of unanimous opposition from its hand-picked Governing
Council in Baghdad.
Rumsfeld
said Tuesday that the Turkish deployment the parliament's endorsement
of which earlier this month was touted as a major diplomatic breakthrough
would go forward only if an arrangement could be worked out that
was "satisfactory to (the Turks), satisfactory to the Iraqis
and satisfactory to the coalition."
"Whether
or not they will ultimately find a method of satisfying everybody,
I don't know," Rumsfeld said, adding he still hoped the plan
could be salvaged. But the Los Angeles Times reported Wednesday
that the chief of the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) in Iraq,
L. Paul Bremer III, has formally recommended the idea be abandoned.
The
Pentagon views Turkish troops as particularly desirable because
their military and peacekeeping experience would enable them to
actually replace U.S. troops in the field, rather than simply act
as auxiliary units for defending fixed targets such as oil pipelines.
It
was also felt that Turkey's participation would encourage other
predominantly Muslim countries, such as Pakistan and Bangladesh,
to contribute troops, thus reducing the ability of Islamic militants
to depict the occupation as similar to the Crusades of the Middle
Ages.
But
with the Turkish option fading, it appears that administration hopes
for drawing down U.S. troop levels to less than one-half of the
130,000 troops in Iraq now by the end of 2004 were unrealistic.
That assessment, in turn, means that yet more reservists will have
to be deployed to Iraq, further straining an overstretched and increasingly
demoralised army.
The
U.S. commander in Iraq disclosed Wednesday that attacks on U.S.
troops there have increased sharply in October, reaching a high
of 35 a day, compared to between 10 and 15 attacks in July and August.
Military
officials argued that the rise in attacks mostly reflected more-aggressive
tactics by U.S. forces, particularly in Sunni-dominated western
provinces, where troops had previously asserted only a modest presence.
But
analysts here said the growing attacks also indicate that the resistance
continues to grow and spread to regions that have been relatively
quiet.
Despite
the bad news, the administration remained officially upbeat this
week with Vice President Dick Cheney, for example, telling Republican
donors Monday, "we are rolling back the terrorist threat at
the very heart of its power, in the Middle East."
While
that may be the official line, pundits and Democrats noted Thursday,
Rumsfeld's private doubts tell a different story. While the Pentagon
chief's penchant for constantly sprinkling his "snowflakes"
questions, proddings, suggestions all over the national-security
bureaucracy, his Oct. 16 memo seemed, as USA Today called
it, especially grim.
Consisting
essentially of a series of questions, it is particularly notable
for the lack of confidence it expresses in the ability of both the
Pentagon and the intelligence agencies to effectively prosecute
the war on terror.
"It
is not possible to change DoD (department of defence) fast enough
to successfully fight the global war on terror," he complains,
suggesting that perhaps a new institution should be created "either
within DoD or elsewhere one that seamlessly focuses the capabilities
of several departments and agencies on this key problem."
Rumsfeld
writes that the war against al-Qaeda has so far yielded only "mixed
results" and that U.S. forces have made "somewhat slower
progress tracking down the Taliban" in Afghanistan.
Perhaps
most strikingly, he indicates that the Pentagon has never devised
specific benchmarks for assessing progress in its anti-terrorism
campaign. "Today, we lack metrics to know if we are winning
or losing the global war on terror," he adds.
"Are
we capturing, killing or deterring and dissuading more terrorists
every day than the madrassas (Islamic schools) and the radical clerics
are recruiting, training and deploying against us?" he asks,
exclaiming later, "the cost-benefit ratio is against us! Our
cost is billions against the terrorists' costs of millions ... Is
our current situation such that 'the harder we work, the behinder
we get'?"
On
the record, administration officials described the memo as a reflection
of just the kind of critical process that is needed to prevail in
a long, drawn-out war. Off the record, they admitted the questions
were not exactly ones that inspired confidence.
The
Democrats jumped on the leak. "Secretary Rumsfeld is only now
acknowledging what we've known for some time," said retired
Gen Wesley Clark, who is running for the Democratic presidential
nomination, "that this administration has no plan for Iraq
and no long-term strategy for fighting terrorism."
October
25, 2003
Jim
Lobe is Inter Press Service's correspondent in Washington, DC. Visit
his archive.
Copyright
© 2003 Inter Press Service
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