So,
the President May Kill Anybody He Pleases, Right?
by
Robert Higgs
by Robert Higgs
DIGG THIS
Among the many cock-and-bull
stories set afoot by the Bush administration during the lead-up
to its attack on Iraq was the one about the now-infamous
drones
of death. Later, it became sufficiently clear that this alleged
threat had no more substance than the others the administration
and the lapdog mainstream media had served up to
a credulous public.
Although
the ludicrously primitive Iraqi drones had no capacity whatsoever
to harm the American public, the lethality of U.S. drones is
another matter. Predator
drones equipped with Hellfire
missiles now provide the U.S. government with a means of flying
over territory that U.S. ground troops dare not penetrate,
observing activities on the ground, and killing people there with,
shall we say, a minimum of due process.
In November
2002, for example, BBC
News reported: "America’s Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
carried out an attack in Yemen that killed six suspected members
of Osama Bin Laden’s al-Qaeda network, according to US officials.
The men died when the jeep they were travelling in was hit by a
missile fired from an unmanned CIA plane – believed to be a Predator
drone, the US sources said."
U.S. forces
have also used the Predator actively in Afghanistan and,
most recently, in the Waziristan region of Pakistan. Today,
I read an account
of a drone attack near the town of Miramshah in North Waziristan
that is reported to have "killed at least 14 people and injured
12 others," including "at least six women and children."
In Afghanistan,
such aerial attacks, not always by drones, of course, have
created a ticklish dilemma for the Karzai government as it pretends
to be a real government, rather than the U.S. puppet it actually
is. Official protests have become increasingly vociferous,
though I have seen no evidence that the U.S. forces intend to change
their operations in response.
What an
awesome power the president and, with his authorization, his subordinate
officers possess: they can kill people at will, including those
persons’ wives and children, with no risk whatever of receiving return
fire or other retribution. Surely this is the long-sought culmination
of the Republican’s quest to establish "law
and order."
What leads
me to remark on this matter, however, is not its technological nuts
and bolts or its connection with master-puppet relations in southwest
Asia, but rather the complete insouciance with which the American
public greets reports of deaths by drone. I do not exaggerate if
I say that the general reaction is "ho-hum." Well, the
average American says, that disposes nicely of another
"bad guy." The gratuitous murder of the bad guy’s family
members, neighbors, and other innocent persons in the vicinity
appears to create no blip on the average American’s moral radar
screen. Perhaps Americans do not consider Yemenis, Afghanis, and
Pakistanis to be real human beings whose right to life we are
obliged to respect?
Is death
by drone simply another occasion when the president, having
labeled a set of actions as a "war," believes and acts
as though he has carte blanche to dish out death and destruction
willy nilly?
Of course,
reports of drone attacks usually refer to militants, Taliban forces, or
al Qaeda members. To this information, we might well respond: yeah,
who says? If we are content to assume that U.S. intelligence agents,
who nearly always get their information from collaborators
in the target territories, really know whom they are targeting,
then we are certainly easily satisfied. One does not have to make an
extensive survey of U.S. government claims about Iraq, Afghanistan,
Pakistan, and other places in southwest Asia over the past seven
years to see that for the most part the U.S. commanders,
from the Commander in Chief on down to the sweatiest noncom
on patrol, are either more or less clueless or the biggest
liars on the planet. I do not rule out that they are both.
The
upshot is that the people who cooperate in getting to the point
at which someone pushes the button to send the Hellfire toward its
selected target may in fact not know for sure whom they are
about the kill, or how many others will be killed along with this
ostensible "enemy" or who those others are.
Without
launching into a massive geopolitical inquiry, we might
well pause from time to time to ask, What are U.S. forces doing
in Afghanistan and Pakistan anyhow? Surely they are
not there to capture or kill the persons responsible for the
crimes of 9/11, because they have already proved beyond all
doubt that they are incapable of doing so (as Osama bin Laden’s
videos periodically remind us). They are, however, all
too capable of diverting their energies from that objective toward
unrelated goals, such as attacking and occupying Iraq.
We
Americans find ourselves, then, observing with extreme moral
disengagement as the president and his subordinates murder persons
whose identities remain uncertain along with assorted others
whose only crime is being in the same area as the targeted individuals
– after all, the Hellfire, which makes a very big blast, can
scarcely be described as a surgically precise killing
instrument.
Moreover,
the president’s use of this remote-control-execution device apparently
has no geographical limits, because, as he assures us, the "war
on terror" has none. Today, a dirt road in Waziristan; tomorrow,
the Santa Monica Freeway. It will be interesting to see, when
drone attacks are carried out in this country, whether the
American public gives a damn.
September
15, 2008
Robert
Higgs [send him mail] is
senior fellow in political economy at the Independent
Institute and editor of The
Independent Review. He
is also a columnist for LewRockwell.com. His
most recent book is Neither
Liberty Nor Safety: Fear, Ideology, and the Growth of Government.
He is also the author of Depression,
War, and Cold War: Studies in Political Economy, Resurgence
of the Warfare State: The Crisis Since 9/11 and Against
Leviathan: Government Power and a Free Society.
Copyright
© 2008 Robert Higgs
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