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Lincoln’s
Spectacular Lie
by
Karen De Coster
The
notion that Lincoln’s Union preceded the states is a tall tale.
Author Tom DiLorenzo, in his celebrated new book, The
Real Lincoln, calls it Lincoln’s spectacular lie, as so
named by Emory University philosopher, Donald Livingston.
The
War Between the States was fought, in Lincoln’s mind, to preserve
the sanctity of centralization powered by a strong and unchecked
federal government. Only through such an established order could
Lincoln do his Whig friends the honor of advancing The American
System, a mercantilist arrangement that spawned corporate welfare,
a monetary monopoly for the Feds, and a protectionist tariff approach
that stymied free traders everywhere.
This
power role for the Feds, as envisioned by Lincoln, had no room for
the philosophy of the earlier Jeffersonians, who in 1798, were declaring
that states’ rights were supreme. Both Madison and Jefferson, in
the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, legitimized the concept of
state sovereignty via the policy of nullification, an inherent right
for states to declare federal acts invalid if unconstitutional.
And before that, let it be duly noted that the right to secede is,
as DiLorenzo says, “not expressly prohibited by the Constitution.”
Lincoln,
however, believed that secession was basically an act of treason.
To him, the glory of the Union was based upon a holier-than-thou
view of the core elites who would run the Washington Machine, doling
out the federal largesse to its friends and political supporters,
those mostly being Northern manufacturers and merchants. Therefore,
the Southern secessionist movement and its claim of self-rule violated
the Lincolnian principle of nationalization and coercive law in
his move toward complete centralization. So what was Lincoln to
do?
Lincoln
had to stamp out Southern Independence, and would start with a demonization
of secession as “an ingenious sophism.” DiLorenzo focuses on the
two political arguments Lincoln used against secession, one being
that secession inevitably meant anarchy, which therefore violated
the principle of majority rule. As DiLorenzo points out, the founders
of our system of government “clearly understood that political decisions
under majority rule are always more to the liking of the voters
in a smaller political unit.” The other Lincoln argument
against peaceful secession is that allowing the Southern states
to secede would lead to more secession, which in turn leads to anarchy.
Clearly, that is a crass argument that would not stand the test
of time.
“The
advocates of secession”, says DiLorenzo, “always understood that
it stood as a powerful check on the expansive proclivities of government
and that even the threat of secession or nullification could modify
the federal government’s inclination to overstep its constitutional
bounds.”
DiLorenzo
takes the reader on a summarized journey of secessionist history,
from the earliest parting by colonialists from the wrath of King
George, to the New England secessionists, who pre-dated the Southern
movement by over a half-century. Oddly enough, it was the New England
Federalists that had first threatened to dissolve the Union because
of an intense hatred of Southern aristocracy. Beginning with the
election of Jefferson to the Presidency, an intense battle over
individual morality, immigration, trade restrictions, and regional
principles sparked a division between the Puritan Northeast and
a more freewheeling and influential South. In order to eliminate
all political ties, the Northeasterners tried in vain to break the
bonds of Union, and the movement lasted until the failed Secessionist
Convention in 1814, as the War of 1812 came to a close.
As
the author points out, during the entire New England ordeal, there
is virtually no literature to be found that supports the view that
the inherent right to secession was non-existent. It was, in fact,
really never questioned.
Eventually,
Lincoln needed a trump card and turned to using the institution
of slavery as the emotional taffy-pull to rouse the citizenry for
a long and bloody war. Though, indeed, the earliest words of Lincoln
defy this purpose as he consistently reveled in the triumph of the
all-powerful centralized state that would one day achieve “national
greatness.” Even DiLorenzo doesn’t attempt to define what this
means, but only describes those words as having some sort of “alleged
mystical value.” The Lincoln war machine was thus set in motion,
with the ends of an Empire run by chosen elites justifying the means
of tyranny.
The
states, in a Lincolnian democracy, would be forever underneath the
footprint of Union hegemony.
April
29, 2002
Karen
De Coster, CPA, [send
her mail] is a paleolibertarian freelance writer, graduate student
in Austrian Economics, and a business professional from Michigan.
She is writing her first book, which is a treatise against all things
statist. See her Mises
Institute archive for more online articles.
Copyright © 2002 Karen De Coster
Karen
De Coster Archives
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