Still Waiting for Isabel
by
William L. Anderson
by William L. Anderson
It
is 11 a.m. on Friday morning and according to the weather reports,
Isabel was supposed to have stopped her relentless pounding about
now. The government's tracking map, which I pulled off the Internet,
said the eye of the storm was going to pass directly over my house
in Cumberland, Maryland.
We
had made preparations, as had others here. We brought out the candles,
the batteries for a radio, extra water, and we even boiled some
eggs and purchased cans of tuna so there would be something to eat
besides potato chips should the power go off. (There was no panic
or hysteria here from what I could see, as people calmly went about
their business, no pushing or shoving in grocery stores with only
a run on "D" batteries and no long lines of people in a panic.)
Alas,
we only received rain and a bit of wind, nothing destructive. (The
Washington, D.C., area was hard hit, which means that a lot of bureaucrats
were not able to go to work and harass law-abiding citizens today.)
Had
the storm done extensive damage here, however, there would have
been a gaggle of employees from the Federal Emergency Management
Agency (FEMA) to have shoved money at us, and had anyone refused,
no doubt someone from FEMA would have denounced that person as an
unworthy citizen. Instead, the FEMA bureaucrats get to stay home
and help their fellow bureaucrats, a "blind-leading-the-blind"
scenario.
Once
upon a time, there was little or no federal presence in the wake
of natural disasters. From the carnage following the Chicago Fire
of 1873, the Johnstown Flood of 1889, the San Francisco Earthquake
of 1906, the destruction of Xenia, Ohio, in 1974, and even the destructive
Hurricane Hugo in 1989, rebuilding took place mainly through local
and state efforts, with the help of private charities and insurance
companies (many of which went broke after the Chicago Fire, not
surprisingly).
Alas,
that happy state of affairs came to an abrupt end with the advent
of Hurricane Andrew, which demolished Homestead, Florida, in August
1992. Even that disaster – still the worst hurricane to hit this
country – might have followed the typical course of rebuilding events,
except that it came in the middle of a U.S. Presidential campaign
between President George Bush and Bill Clinton.
Even
before the rain had stopped falling, Clinton was denouncing the
Bush Administration for "not doing enough" to help distressed
Floridians and Louisianans (the hurricane spent its last days in
Louisiana and eastern Texas) in the aftermath. Indeed, FEMA and
the Bush Administration were doing very little, as that was how
things had been done, but the Bush Administration, already far behind
in the polls, panicked and sent in the troops.
What
followed was a madhouse. Government facilitators (an oxymoron?)
within FEMA were hardly equipped to deal with a disaster of the
magnitude of Andrew, and to make matters worse, the stricken states
had imposed harsh "price gouging" policies that were sure
to paralyze the recovery efforts. Furthermore, the efforts by FEMA
– pathetic as they were – were being measured through the distorted
lens of a political campaign. Indeed, Clinton was partly correct;
FEMA’s bureaucrats were performing like the Keystone Cops, and it
was done in a very public way. Thus, Clinton successfully countered
with the "If I were president…" line that resonated with
large numbers of Floridians who were living in tent cities (erected
by FEMA) and who had to stand in line for nearly everything.
The
Clinton Administration made good on its promises, and, as one might
expect from that gang, FEMA became a politicized campaign tool for
the Clintons. The great libertarian writer James Bovard clearly
outlines the FEMA shenanigans in his exposé of the Clinton Administration,
Feeling
Your Pain. From the Mississippi River floods of 1993
to every natural disaster that occurred in his eight years in office,
Clinton turned FEMA into a cash dispensing machine that, in the
end, made recovery slower and invited abuses, as crooks and charlatans
were able to take advantage of this political vote-buying system.
The
first reaction from agnostics here might be this: "What is
wrong with the government helping people after disasters? Shouldn’t
we expect the government to be helping us get back on our feet?"
The
answer comes in two parts. First, if one cares about the law of
the land, such provisions are not made in the U.S. Constitution;
it is clear that the founders of this country never conceived of
the U.S. Government becoming the central agency to deal with inevitable
domestic disasters, both natural and man-made. Thus, even in the
wake of the Johnstown Flood, which killed more than 2,000 people
and wiped out the town, it never occurred to the people in Johnstown
or to the numerous individuals and organizations (like the Red Cross)
that the government bail them out.
Second,
because government is a political institution, the prospect of abuse
and what Lew Rockwell has called "political blackmail"
is quite real. Government’s intrusions into a post-disaster situation
will always crowd out the private, state, and local entities that
have the vital information to make the rebuilding process operate
more smoothly. It is yet another example of what Austrian economists
have described as the "knowledge problem."
That
FEMA’s actions are not simply benign workings of compassionate people
was played out several years ago in the wake of Hurricane Opal,
which devastated a number of communities in the Southeast, including
Auburn, Alabama. As Jeff Tucker noted, the cleanup in Auburn, which
began immediately after the storm, came to a screeching halt once
it was announced that FEMA money might be on the way.
Tucker’s
insights were not appreciated by Morrie
Goodman, then FEMA’s director of communications, as noted in
a couple
of articles. Goodman called Tucker and proceeded to berate him
for criticizing his agency. (Tucker, as readers can see, firmly
held his ground.)
It
was clear from that exchange that the people at FEMA expected
gratitude from those who were "helped" by the agency,
which is exactly how political patronage works. Not surprisingly,
the unscrupulous and ethically-challenged Clinton Administration
used what previously had been a backwater government agency and
turned it into a vote-buying machine that doled out cash and favors
in an attempt to shore up political support. Furthermore, the agency
came complete with its own propaganda machine that would have made
Stalin proud, and made sure that it brought the adoring media hordes
into the mix.
In
the end, we have the permanent presence of FEMA, which is guaranteed
to make it more difficult for individuals to bring their lives back
to normal after disasters. We in Western Maryland can be thankful
not only that Isabel did not do the damage that was predicted, but
even more so that agents from FEMA won’t be running our lives for
the next few months.
September 20, 2003
William
L. Anderson, Ph.D. [send him
mail], teaches economics at Frostburg State University in Maryland,
and is an adjunct scholar of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute.
Copyright
© 2003 LewRockwell.com
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