The
Progressives’ 100 Years War
by
William L. Anderson
I was born
in 1953, and throughout my lifetime, it seems we have been at war
in one way or another. A few months before I was born, the Korean
War had just ended, World War II was just eight years in the past,
and our Vietnam nightmare was just beginning.
Our constant
warfare has hardly gone unnoticed. Political leftists attribute
this phenomenon to capitalism and especially the military-industrial
complex. (In Oliver Stone’s movie JFK, nearly everyone in
Washington who had something to do with the armed forces or an armed
forces contractor was in on the conspiracy to murder John F. Kennedy.
He wants us to believe that not only did the evil capitalists band
together to kill JFK, but they also managed to keep it a secret
even though thousands of people were involved in the plot.)
Being someone
who has much formal education and who also reads the newspapers,
I have been informed repeatedly since my high school days that capitalism,
free markets, and private property are the main cause of war. From
Vladimir Lenin to Ramsey Clark, we hear that wars occur because
capitalists are constantly in search of new markets to conquer.
(Actually, Lenin held that capitalists are always looking to export
capital in order to stave off the inevitable crisis. Clark just
hates capitalism, period.)
Yet, such
pronouncements make no sense. As demonstrated by the September 11
attacks, all market indicators fell rapidly. Even the pronouncements
by Keynesian economists that rebuilding all that was destroyed would
bring us a new prosperity would did not revive the markets. If capitalism
were based upon violence, as its detractors claim, it would logically
follow that the attacks and the U.S. military response would have
revived the moribund economy. Instead, we have seen the opposite,
as the attacks seem to have speeded up the slide of our economy
into recession.
In fact,
the very nature of the attacks tells us something about violence,
peace, and commerce. Had enemy warplanes of a nation "officially"
at war with the United States slammed into the World Trade Towers
and the Pentagon, we might have been horrified with the results,
but not shocked. After all, those who fought the Japanese in World
War II had to deal with kamikaze attacks, and armed forces of all
sides in that war dropped bombs on civilians.
(For that
matter, the U.S. armed forces have dropped bombs and fired missiles
at civilian targets in its latest military campaign in Afghanistan.
The USA also has done the same in huge numbers against Iraq. The
excuse was that things used by civilians like roads and bridges
also had military uses, so they were fair game, according to the
government and its apologists.)
No, we
were shocked because they were commercial jets, full of people
traveling for business, pleasure, and to meet loved ones. That depraved
individuals would commandeer those jets to use them for murder and
mayhem was what shocked all of us. Who would murder people who sat
peacefully at their desks, doing the daily tasks of business?
Yet, at
the same time, the United States has been on a near constant war
footing for more than a century. Beginning with the Spanish-American
War of 1898, U.S. armed forces have been engaged almost continuously
around the globe. From Manila Bay to Afghanistan, the U.S. Government
has been at war on five continents and countless nations. During
those wars, millions of people have lost their lives, whole cities
have been destroyed, and many societies have been wrecked.
Thus, we
have a paradox. The USA has been known for much of its history as
a commercial nation, yet it has used much of the wealth its commerce
has generated for weapons and armies. Such a situation provides
the "evidence" for socialists and their allies who insist
that capitalism is the fount of all strife and evil.
However,
there is an alternative explanation. For more than a century, the
USA has been mostly influenced by the ideology of Progressivism,
a way of thinking that has been the lodestar for the political
and intellectual classes of this country. While people may delude
themselves into thinking the United States is still the constitutional
republic of 1787, it has actually been a progressivist democracy
since the mid-1800s, and one of the consequences of that shift has
been an emphasis upon wars to build and expand the U.S. empire.
While historians
like to say the so-called progressivist era lasted from the late
1800s until the U.S. entry into World War I in 1917, in reality,
progressivism began much earlier and is still in existence today.
Before dealing with its historical boundaries, however, I must first
define what I mean by progressivism.
My World
Book Encyclopedia (1987) defines progressivism as a movement
of economic and political reforms. According to that encyclopedia,
private enterprise was oppressing society, creating monopolies,
and creating general mayhem, so some farsighted individuals organized
themselves to protest these horrible conditions and to create alternative
economic and political mechanisms.
If it is
true that the winners of wars are the ones who write history, then
"progressives" must be considered the political and cultural
victors of our society. So-called progressivism is not reform in
the sense of making something better, but rather an ideology that
looks to expand state power. For all of the talk among "progressives"
of civil liberties, progressivism is a decidedly anti-liberty movement.
In a nutshell,
progressivist ideology is based upon the idea that the private economy
is wasteful, undemocratic, and often operates in an arena that cannot
be easily overseen by those who have society’s best interests at
heart. Private firms, if not regulated by an aggressive, all-intrusive
state, will foist dangerous, unneeded goods and services upon unsuspecting
consumers. And while progressives like to think of consumers as
hapless victims of private enterprise, they also tend to think of
the typical person as someone operating on automatic pilot, engaged
in "mindless consumerism" who cannot be trusted to make
even the simplest of important decisions regarding their own lives.
During
the so-called progressive era, legislation that continues to haunt
us came through Congress in spades. First was the 1887 establishment
of the now-defunct (thank goodness) Interstate Commerce Commission
that was formed ostensibly to "protect" farmers from ruinous
transportation charges by railroads. What the commission actually
did was to organize railroads, trucking, and passenger airline firms
into government-enforced cartels, which meant higher prices and
fewer available services for consumers.
Congress
during this era also gave us the Sherman Antitrust Act, the Clayton
Antitrust Act, and the Federal Trade Commission, complete with its
"Bureau of Competition." Again, these laws were passed
in the name of making the U.S. economy more "competitive,"
but in reality had the opposite effect. (See the numerous articles
on the Ludwig von Mises Institute’s web page to better understand
this phenomenon.)
When one
adds the creation of the Federal Reserve System, Prohibition, and
the implementation of the federal income tax, one finds that the
progressive era left little of U.S. life untouched. Furthermore,
it is a misnomer to say that progressivism began in the late 1800s
and ended at World War I. The root causes of the progressive era
had their roots in the various reform movements that began in the
1820s, including the various socialist experiments like Brooke Farm
and New Harmony, abolitionism (as opposed to earlier anti-slavery
movements that existed before 1830), calls for alcohol prohibition,
and the Horace Mann-led common school crusades of New England.
In fact,
one can argue that the American War Between the States was a "progressivist"
war. Abraham Lincoln, who was pretty much responsible for this horrible
conflict, supported what can easily be called "progressivist"
measures like government public works, high protective tariffs,
and central banking. The war’s centralizing effect on the U.S. political
system would lay the important groundwork for later massive federal
intervention into the economy.
While I
have outlined some of the provisions of progressivism and its predecessor
movements, I have not made the connection between progressivist
ideology and the U.S. wars of intervention for the last century.
Most people today who call themselves "progressives" say
that they reject much of U.S. military intervention abroad. Progressive
socialists like Eugene Debs opposed the entry of the United States
into World War I, and most leftist publications today oppose the
U.S. war in Afghanistan.
However,
opposing some conflicts does not necessarily reflect an anti-war
stance. As Murray N. Rothbard so eloquently pointed out in his Journal
of Libertarian Studies article on "World War I as Fulfillment,"
the U.S. entry into the First World War actually was a triumph for
most progressivists. First, it provided them with the opportunity
to spread U.S. influence throughout Europe just as had been done
against Spain and in the campaign to conquer the Philippines during
the early 1900s. Woodrow Wilson’s infamous Fourteen Points bears
eloquent witness of the progressivist mindset.
Second,
the war gave progressivists the opportunity to impose a number of
"reforms" upon the domestic population – which was supposed
to accept all of these changes in the name of "making the world
safe for democracy." Not only did the government impose prohibition
of alcohol in the name of "feeding the troops," but also
intervened mightily into economic matters. The armed forces took
over administration of the railroads, while government commissions
imposed "war socialism" over the rest of the economy.
When the
states ratified the Sixteenth Amendment, which allowed for a federal
income tax, in 1913, its chief defenders in Congress claimed that
it would not even take up to 10 percent of anyone's income. The
war changed all of that, as rates went up to more than 60 percent
of top incomes. Since then, the top rate has never been below 24
percent.
As Benjamin
Anderson wrote in Economics
and the Public Welfare, Franklin Roosevelt attempted to
use World War II as a vehicle through which to expand and solidify
the interventionist New Deal. That war greatly expanded government’s
reach into our lives, and ensured that this nation would have a
large, permanent standing army. (Before World War II broke out,
the USA had only the world’s sixteenth largest army, even behind
tiny Portugal. Times have changed.)
Yet, while
wars might benefit progressivist movements, how does one make the
most important link, that being that progressivism itself leads
to war? Why is the warfare state a necessary ally of the welfare
state? After all, most self-styled peace activists openly support
the welfare state while rejecting the warfare state, yet I am also
including them into the mix – albeit without their permission and
certainly over their sure objections.
The reason
that I do this is that both states require that governments engage
in violence, whether it be open like in warfare or whether it be
implied, as in welfare. Contrary to popular belief, the welfare
state is not based upon sharing, caring, and civilized behavior.
If that were so, no coercion would be needed to make the system
work.
Instead,
we implicitly understand that the welfare state is at its roots
a police state, one that depends upon forcible extraction of wealth
and property from some in order to give to those who have received
favor from political authorities. Furthermore, the ideology of the
welfare state – which is basically socialism at the core – is expansionist
and messianic, something that encourages that it be spread abroad.
Thus, we saw the French Revolution morph into the Napoleonic conquests
and the aggressiveness of the communist regimes of the 20th
Century.
(This is
not an excuse for the U.S. actions that encouraged and prolonged
the Cold War. Rather, one needs only to understand just how much
of the activity of communist regimes was dedicated to "security"
at home and abroad to gain a full picture of what was happening.
These regimes, indeed, wishes to spread their "revolutionary
ideas" abroad.)
In the
USA, progressivism had a uniquely nationalistic flavor. In the name
of "progress," we could wipe out the Indians, fight a
needless war with Spain, "liberate" and "Christianize"
the people of the Philippines, invade Panama, and generally throw
around our weight. Furthermore, "progressives" justified
U.S. entry into World War I as something needed to help spread "democracy"
abroad to people who lived under monarchies. That our European marauding
would create chaos, poverty, and ultimately help pave the way for
Adolph Hitler and Josef Stalin was of no account to those who believed
the USA had a "mission" to fulfill. For that matter, the
creation of the Federal Reserve, another product of the progressive
movement, would ultimately be the central cause of the Great Depression,
another event that helped grow the tyrannical regimes of Europe.
Things
are not changed in the new century, either. President Bush wants
us to fight the "Axis of Evil" as though the poor, pathetic
regime of North Korea threatens our borders. No, the current war
is just another confirmation of the continuation of the progressive
movement.
February
7, 2002
William
L. Anderson, Ph.D. [send him
mail], teaches economics at Frostburg State University in Maryland,
and is an adjunct scholar of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute.
Copyright
© 2002 LewRockwell.com
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