The Earl of Dook, or the Continuing State of State Justice in North Carolina
by
William L. Anderson
by William L. Anderson
In the early
1990s, Robert Kelly, his wife Betsy, and five other residents of
Edenton, North Carolina, were charged with a number of horrendous
acts of child molestation. Robert and Betsy owned a daycare center
called Little Rascals, and state prosecutors alleged that the pair,
as well as other workers at the center, had engaged in a number
of horrific acts, including baking babies in microwave ovens, throwing
children to sharks in the nearby bay, ritually sacrificing animals
behind the daycare building, as well as other violent acts.
How did authorities
know these things had happened? These acts of horror were "disclosed"
after state social workers "interviewed" a number of children
who were enrolled at the center. Keep in mind that no babies had
disappeared, cooked in microwave ovens or thereabouts, there was
no evidence of satanic rituals anywhere, and no children were eaten
by sharks. Furthermore, there was no physical evidence of the charges
that the daycare workers had penetrated various orifices of the
children with swords, knives, and other instruments.
If these charges
sound familiar, it is because they are. From Janet Reno’s infamous
prosecutions of Grant Snowden in Florida (when she was the district
attorney in Dade County) to the McMartin case in Los Angeles, to
Wenatchee, Washington, in the 1990s, the Edenton case was part of
a line of what only can be called witch
hunts in which state
social workers badgered very young children until they came
up with lurid tales – after having denied that those things occurred.
In most of
these cases, juries convicted people despite the lack of evidence,
as judges and prosecutors tag-teamed to ensure that the most prejudicial
statements would be enacted, and that defendants would be prevented
from effectively defending themselves. Robert Kelly, for example,
was convicted in 1992 and received 12 life sentences, only to have
the convictions overturned by higher courts, which noted prosecutorial
and judicial misconduct. Dawn Wilson, who also received a life sentence
in the case, saw her conviction overturned as well, but only after
spending several years in prison.
While the Edenton
Seven had it bad, it could have been worse: they could have seen
the fate of Darryl Hunt, who spent nearly 20 years in a North Carolina
prison for a rape and murder he did not commit. What makes his case
especially egregious is that in 1990, DNA testing showed he was
not the rapist (and, obviously) not the murderer of Deborah Sykes,
a newspaper copy editor who was raped and murdered when she walked
to work in Winston-Salem in 1984.
But even though
prosecutors had ample evidence that Hunt was wrongly convicted,
nonetheless they suppressed the evidence and kept him incarcerated
until 2003, when DNA tests found that a man already serving time
for something else was the rapist and killer. (The "new"
killer also confessed to the crime.) The Kellys and Dawn Wilson
were white; Hunt was black. North Carolina is an equal-opportunity
state of injustice.
The Duke
Case: More Injustice from North Carolina
Yet, the latest
case from North Carolina, the alleged "Duke Rape Scandal,"
threatens to outdo even the prosecutorial abuse that seems to characterize
"justice" in that state. At least in the Edenton and Hunt
cases, one can argue that the prosecutors at least believed the
charges when they filed them. Granted, at least in the Edenton case,
prosecutors had to swallow a great deal of nonsense when they got
grand juries to indict the accused, but I have no doubt that they
believed them – or at least convinced themselves that the charges
just had to be true.
The Duke case
is different, much different, and has the potential to drive U.S.
prosecution to a new low – if that is possible. As I will point
out in this piece, nearly everything you have read in publications
like the New York Times, Time, Newsweek, and the Washington
Post, not to mention the television coverage (Dan Abrams of
MSNBC being the notable exception), is not true. I will say it again;
the national media has perpetuated a lie that has been told by prosecutor
Michael Nifong and the accuser, Crystal Gail Mangum.
(Actually,
the most reliable coverage comes from the Durham
Herald-Sun and the Johnsville
News. Get beyond the local media, however, and the coverage
is sickeningly predictable.)
It is difficult
to know where to begin with this case. Most readers are familiar
with the main story, or at least the story that has appeared in
the mainstream media. Members of the Duke University lacrosse team
during the university’s March spring break had an off-campus party
in which two black strippers were hired to do a "show."
According to the police version, sometime after midnight, three
men dragged Mangum into a bathroom, where they choked, beat, raped,
and sodomized her for 30 minutes.
After the women
left the party, the police found Mangum lying "passed-out drunk"
in a car in a Kroger parking lot. At that point, she claimed rape,
and she was examined by a nurse at Duke University Hospital, and
it was declared that her injuries were "consistent" with
rape. The woman soon identified her attackers, and three indictments
and arrests soon followed. Not surprisingly, there were demonstrations
galore, from the obligatory candlelight vigils at Duke to gatherings
and protests outside the house where the alleged attacks occurred.
Shortly after
police announced the "rape," Nifong announced his belief
that DNA tests performed on all 46 white lacrosse players would
"identify the attackers." Unfortunately for Nifong, there
were no DNA matches, and police originally spread the word that
no DNA was found at all on the woman, something that ultimately
would turn out to be one of many lies told by the authorities.
Undeterred
by the lack of DNA, Nifong then declared two mutually exclusive
things. First, he said that he did not need DNA, as eyewitness accounts
would suffice; second, he told a crowd that DNA also would serve
to separate the guilty from the innocent. Of course, since none
of the players had DNA found on the woman’s body, he had, albeit
unwittingly, declared the players innocent of rape.
Ultimately,
it was found that Mangum did have DNA of another man on her,
and specifically, it was the semen of another man. In fact, from
police reports that were released to the defense after the arrests
of Reade Seligmann, Colin Finnerty, and David Evans, we were to
find that the woman told police that she had sex with three
other men on the day of the alleged rape. Moreover, she told police
that the Duke Lacrosse players who "raped" her did
not wear condoms. Mangum’s parents later claimed that the players
used a broomstick to sodomize her, although it is clear from the
police reports and the medical examination that injuries that would
be "consistent" with such an attack were nonexistent.
In other words, we are dealing with another falsehood, one that
Nifong refused to publicly refute.
I mention this
because Mangum’s claims are instructive. First, if she had been
raped and the men were not wearing condoms, their DNA would have
been found on her, period. Second, in one of his 70-plus interviews
that he gave he said that the alleged rapists "could have been
wearing condoms" already knowing that Mangum had told the police
something different.
Lying and
Prosecutorial Misconduct
Unfortunately,
that was not the end of Nifong’s lies. He told Newsweek that
it would be likely that toxicology tests would show that Mangum
had been given an alleged "date rape" drug (supposedly
by the lacrosse players), which was responsible for her condition.
However, neither the police nor Nifong had ordered any
toxicology tests. In other words, Nifong made a claim to Newsweek
that he had to have known on its face was a lie.
(Someone I
respect very much has known Nifong for many years and says that
he is not dishonest, but rather has backed himself into a corner.
This was a "damned-if-you-do-damned-if-you-don’t" situation,
he tells me. While that might be true, Nifong also has done enough
things that strain his credibility.)
Lest I let
Nifong off with just telling a few whoppers, there is even more.
On the day after the alleged attack, police came to the house where
the party was held and the occupants, including Evans, showed police
around, retrieved material for them and even went to the station
and spent three hours talking to police without attorneys being
present. Soon afterward, Nifong publicly claimed that the lacrosse
players were "putting up a blue wall of silence" and were
purposely covering up a "crime." Moreover, he threatened
to charge the other players with "accessory to kidnapping,
assault, and rape" charges unless they came forward.
Shortly thereafter,
Nifong hinted to the press that at least one player was willing
to turn state’s evidence. He based his claim upon an email that
allegedly one player had sent to his teammates. However, it turned
out that the email was a fraud, and, according to the attorneys
who represent the players, the fake email almost surely had been
concocted by the police. So, we have Nifong implicated in another
falsehood.
These things
alone would be enough for Nifong to be disbarred, provided he worked
in a state where those entrusted with the system of justice actually
cared. However, because North Carolina is a playground for out-of-control
prosecutors, Nifong has been permitted to go on a rampage, and he
has not disappointed.
Seligmann,
it turned out, had an airtight alibi. He was not even at the party
at the time that Nifong and the police claim the alleged assault
took place. A cab driver was able to vouch for Seligmann, and there
is electronic evidence (visiting a bank teller, swiping his card
to get back into his dormitory) that places the indicted "suspect"
well away from the house.
When I saw
a television interview with the cab driver, I blogged on LewRockwell.com
that police likely would target him and possibly arrest him on trumped-up
charges. Almost on cue, that is what happened. Police dug up a three-year-old
warrant for shoplifting and arrested him. There are a number of
things that are instructive here. First, the arresting officer was
the lead detective on the Mangum case. In ordinary circumstances,
detectives do not carry out arrests for shoplifting. Second, the
cab driver says that the detective first asked him if he had anything
to say about the case. When the cabbie said he did not, he promptly
was arrested and charged.
At first, this
might be puzzling. After all, in the alleged shoplifting case, the
cabbie had driven a woman to a mall, where she stole some purses.
He then drove her home, and told police he was not aware she had
stolen anything. Furthermore, he gave the woman’s name and address
to the mall security guard and the police and was instrumental in
her arrest.
Those circumstances
alone would cast doubt on charging the cab driver with anything,
but one must remember that in North Carolina, if one is charged
with a crime and convicted, then prosecutors can move to disqualify
that person’s testimony in a trial. In other words, Nifong is
trying to railroad a conviction on the cabbie so he can thus do
away with Seligmann’s alibi, even though it is obvious that the
cabbie is telling the truth.
Lineups,
Lies, and North Carolina Prosecutors
The way that
Mangum identified the "suspects" also was questionable
and possibly illegal. The following blog (Johnsville
News) gives the entire sorry episode in detail. All one can
conclude is that the process was rigged from the start, built upon
a foundation of lies, and continues to an uncertain ending.
Even in North
Carolina, it is a felony for a prosecutor to knowingly bring
false charges. I do not believe this to be a case of an overzealous
prosecutor who cut corners because somehow he believed that these
young men had raped Mangum, although I wish that were the case and
still am willing to have someone convince me. Instead, he seized
upon the case as a vehicle to win an election, and has used – and
abused – the process to ramrod criminal charges against people who
will spend most of their lives in prison if they are convicted,
and given the state of justice in North Carolina, it cannot be stated
emphatically enough that juries in that state are capable of convicting
anyone, no matter how ridiculous a case the prosecutor presents
in court.
During the
Edenton trials, the press was transfixed by prosecutor Nancy Lamb,
with her "flashing eyes" and "bobbed hair."
Lamb was speaking "for the children," you see, and the
press adored her. That she was making preposterous claims and attempting
to destroy the lives of seven people despite all good evidence to
the contrary was not even discussed. What Nancy Lamb did was immoral
and, I contend, criminal, yet journalists adored her and gave her
only good press.
Likewise, Nifong
found himself being feted as a hero by the likes of the New York
Times and others. Today, the only "blue wall of silence"
is coming from Nifong and the Durham police, as defense attorneys
continue to ferret out lies, lies, and more lies as they study police
reports and the official records. However, now that Nifong is silent
and the case is beginning to stink, the national journalists have
moved on, as Newsweek now seems to be on a crusade to convince
its readers that Dan Brown was telling the truth in the Da
Vinci Code. It seems that no one at Newsweek is upset
that Nifong lied to its reporters about the alleged "date rape
drug."
There are two
reasons why this case continues on, despite Nifong’s untruths. First,
the mainstream "national" press wants it to be true.
Such a story is vindication of all the wild rape tales campus feminists
tell us – and many big-city journalists are drawn from the ranks
of feminists and other practitioners of Political Correctness. Thus,
anything that contradicts the story that simply must be true
is going to be ignored.
The other reason
is that North Carolina already has proven itself to be a state where
prosecutors are permitted to run amok, make ridiculous accusations,
and then be rewarded with convictions and adulation. No one in the
press or in any position of authority ever suggested that Nancy
Lamb or the prosecutors in the Hunt case be disbarred or even disciplined,
even after it became obvious that they had obtained wrongful convictions.
To the very end, prosecutors manipulated the law and the legal process
to keep Hunt incarcerated, even though they had known for more than
a decade that he was innocent of the charges for which he was convicted.
No prosecutor went to jail or even was disciplined for that egregious
act.
In
the Duke case, we have witnessed a number of crimes, but all of
them have been committed by the police and prosecutors, as well
as by Mangum herself. These crimes cry out for justice, yet from
this vantage point, Nifong and his cohorts very well may be able
to obtain wrongful convictions, given the state of justice in the
state where they practice that entity once known as law. One always
can hope to the contrary, but Nifong already knows that he is invulnerable.
The "justice system" of North Carolina will protect him,
and the press will adore him as another "prosecutor as hero."
William
L. Anderson, Ph.D. [send him
mail], teaches economics at Frostburg State University in Maryland,
and is an adjunct scholar of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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