• Autopsy of a Funeral

    Email Print

    If politics makes for
    strange bedfellows, perhaps photo opportunities at funerals make
    for something even stranger. As President Bush approached the supine
    body of John Paul II in St. Peter's Basilica — hoping that some of
    the pope's charisma would rub off — the close proximity of the two
    men was deeply disturbing. On one hand, there was the pope, a man
    who was faithful to the message of the Sermon on the Mount: "Blessed
    are the peacemakers: for they shall be called the children of God."
    Beside him stood the president, a man who had violated that teaching
    by launching an unprovoked war.

    Out with the Ten
    Commandments, In with Regime Change

    To make things
    worse, the president was the leader of a faux-religious pro-war
    gang that unilaterally had taken upon itself the mantle of an unrecognizably
    twisted version of Christianity. In so doing, it had violated six
    of the Ten Commandments in a very short time. In addition to substituting
    a nationalistic worship of the all-powerful state in place of the
    deity, they repeatedly took God's name in vain with bumper stickers
    touting slogans such as "God bless America." Furthermore,
    in their quest to overturn the warning, "Thou shalt not kill,"
    they laid waste to an entire nation and snuffed out the lives of
    over 100,000 Iraqi civilians — which have been trivialized
    as "collateral damage" by the American press. In addition,
    the war has cost the lives of 1,500-plus American soldiers who sought
    to honor their uniforms by taking part in a dishonorable mission
    at the behest of a representative of one of America's least-respected
    professions: a politician. Of course, the pretext for launching
    this war was a hallmark case of bearing false witness, and the prospect
    of rich rewards in the form of cheap oil was a source of covetousness
    whose ultimate end would amount to confiscating the Iraqi oil fields,
    otherwise known as theft. Six, count ’em six violated commandments.

    The Pope on Iraq

    Having passed away earlier
    in the week, the pope was no longer in a position to make known his
    feelings about the matter. Then again, perhaps John Paul II did not
    have to miraculously rise out of his coffin under his own power, admonish
    the president, and point out the long list of ironies that sprang
    to mind. The vast crowd of onlookers outside the basilica did it for
    him — booing whenever the face of President Bush appeared on the giant
    TV screens scattered around St. Peter's Square. Mindful that John
    Paul II was the first pope from Poland and that he had vigorously
    opposed Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin and his successors in the Kremlin,
    perhaps onlookers could not help but take note of the many parallels
    between Soviet-Polish relations and those between the United States
    and Iraq — not to mention those between the United States and the many
    nations it has attempted to control throughout the Middle East, Central
    and South America, and (let's not forget Vietnam and Korea) East Asia.
    As visitors to this website have been reminded, John Paul II and his
    representatives chastised the president many times about the war in
    Iraq. Just as most Roman Catholic clerics, the pope was mindful of
    the centuries-old concept of a "just war," and the facts
    about Iraq and the United States did not fulfill those criteria. Consequently,
    the juxtaposition of the pope and the president was a sight rich in

    Poland after World
    War II; Iraq Today

    But the list of papal-presidential
    ironies goes far beyond the U.S. decision to go to war against Iraq.
    In the aftermath of World War II, which the U.S. and its allies waged
    in response to Hitler's war of aggression against Poland, the homeland
    of the pope was never freed. Instead, that overwhelmingly Catholic
    country was handed over to the Soviet Union — beginning a 45-year span
    of Soviet domination that was countenanced by the very allies that
    claimed to have sought Polish freedom by entering the war in the first
    place. Under the domination of Stalin, events in Poland took on a
    character that bears an eerie resemblance to what has been happening
    in Iraq. Here are a few highlights:

    • Protégés
      in Power
      : As Professor Norman Davies points out in his two-volume
      work, God's Playground: A History of Poland: "the
      political history of post-war Poland is extremely simple. It tells
      how the USSR handed power to its chosen protégés,
      and how it has kept them in place ever since." Similarly,
      for the past 25 years, United States presidents have alternately
      supported Saddam Hussein when he did their bidding (as in his
      war against Iran) and opposed him when he refused (as when he
      rejected a U.S.-backed oil pipeline and later invaded Kuwait in
      response to Kuwait's practice of slant-drilling for oil located
      in Iraqi territory).
    • Puppet Regimes:
      In August of 1944, Joseph Stalin installed loyal supporters in
      key positions of the Polish Committee of National Liberation,
      which became the provisional government of Poland. This resembles
      the process by which the United States, after removing Saddam
      Hussein, installed Ahmad Chalabi as leader of the Iraqi National
      Congress. Chalabi, who manufactured fake "intelligence"
      about WMDs and was subsidized to the tune of $350,000 each month
      by the Bush administration, was convicted of bank fraud in Jordan
      early in 2005. He was replaced by another U.S.-backed dictator,
      Iyad Allawi, who was accused of murdering innocent civilians while
      employed as Saddam Hussein's right-hand man. Will the U.S. tolerate
      an elected anti-American government in Iraq? History tells us
      the answer: no.
    • Death Toll:
      During World War II, nearly 5.4 million Poles were executed, and
      the city of Warsaw was leveled. Like Hitler, Stalin is famous
      for decimating segments of the Polish population — rounding up undesirable
      persons and sending them to no-return concentration camps. Consequently,
      Stalin's regime is recognized as the bloodiest in the 20th
      century, claiming 42 million victims in the Soviet Union alone
      according to R.J. Rummel (Death by Government). While it
      may be true that Saddam Hussein killed hundreds of thousands of
      Iraqis, the number of victims resulting from U.S. intervention
      in Iraq may surpass Saddam's total. As of 1995, the U.N. estimated
      that 567,000 Iraqi children died as a result of five years of
      sanctions on behalf of the U.S. This total continued to climb
      during the last half of the 1990s as the sanctions continued.
      Furthermore, since Operation Iraqi Freedom (sic) has added 100,000
      more civilians to this nightmarish tally, the United States is
      now responsible for 700,000 dead Iraqis. Like Warsaw during World
      War II, the city of Fallujah was transformed into a ghost town.
      Who was more deadly to the Iraqis, Saddam or the U.S.?
    • Censorship:
      Under the Soviet system of pre-emptive censorship, no information
      was free or accessible unless it was specifically prescribed by
      law. Consequently, when the Soviet Union "liberated"
      Poland from the Nazis, it demanded complete submission. Poles
      who resisted were branded as terrorists, bandits, and fascists.
      Does this sound familiar? After suffering for decades under Saddam
      Hussein, Iraqis are now subject to the dictator Iyad Allawi. Those
      who oppose him are called insurgents, terrorists, and militants — not
      patriots. To ensure that the correct words are used to describe
      them, Mr. Allawi "temporarily" closed down the independently
      minded Al Jazeera news service last year in the name of "freedom."
      It remains closed.
    • Militarism:
      In Soviet-dominated Poland, militarism overwhelmed the nation's
      economy. According to Professor Davies, "Eastern Europe was
      turned into an armed camp. Frontiers were closed. Security was
      returned to wartime footing. The economy was converted to military
      priorities. Military conscription…was reintroduced." The
      same can be said of both Iraq and the United States today. In
      Iraq, the monthly total of civilians killed by American soldiers
      on highways and at roadblocks continues to soar, and the nation
      is occupied by the U.S. military and the U.S.-dominated Iraqi
      army. Here in the United States, the national-security state is
      casting a huge shadow on the economy — as it did during the War
      in Vietnam. Companies are making fortunes on security and surveillance
      systems that target U.S. citizens, and the production of armaments
      weighs heavily on the voluntary sector of the economy. Furthermore,
      a revival of the military draft looms over the future of millions
      of young people as the Bush administration promises that the so-called
      War on Terror will be a long one.

    The Papal Example

    During the period
    of Soviet domination of Poland, Karol Wojtyła opposed the tenets of
    totalitarian collectivism — whether in the form of Nazism or
    Stalinism. In 1942 he entered an underground seminary to fulfill his
    religious aspirations, and he was ordained a priest in 1946. Afterward,
    he illegally celebrated Roman Catholic Masses and became the youngest
    bishop in Poland. After his election as pope in 1978, his support
    of the Polish Solidarity movement led Mikhail Gorbachev to claim that
    the fall of the Iron Curtain would have been impossible without him.
    Unlike political leaders in the Soviet Union and the United States,
    the pope did not liberate people by killing them. He did not create
    "collateral damage" while supporting his Polish countrymen
    during the Solidarity struggle from 1981 to 1989. Instead, he led
    by example.

    Despite the past hypocrisies
    of its leaders and the lack of principles on the part of so many
    of its citizens, the United States was once considered an exemplar
    of freedom, a beacon on a hill. Unfortunately, it has devolved into
    a 21st-century stand-in for the former Soviet Union — seeking
    global hegemony in a quest for cheap resources. This evil habit
    is undermining its few remaining freedoms, and it is bankrupting
    Americans both economically and morally. In trading a free republic
    for the tawdry rewards of empire, the United States has lost what
    once made it worthy of emulation.

    When President Bush
    attended the pope's funeral, he should have approached the event
    with an altogether different set of priorities. Instead of basking
    in the halo-effect of John Paul II and gaining a temporary, second-hand
    charisma by his close physical proximity to the pope's lifeless
    body, he should have taken into his heart the living message of
    peace that the pope embodied throughout his earthly journey. Then,
    instead of returning home with only a photographic souvenir that
    would eventually fade along with the up-tick in his poll numbers,
    the president would have carried in his heart the same vibrant spirit
    that made John Paul II what he was.

    14, 2005

    Lawrence Ludlow [send him mail]
    is a freelance writer living in San Diego.

    Email Print