The
Early Christian Attitude to War
by
Laurence
M. Vance
by Laurence M. Vance
Were the early
Christians warmongers like too many Christians are today? Did they
idolize the Caesars like some Christians idolize President Bush?
Did they make signs that said "the emperor" similar to
the ones we see on cars today that refer to Bush as "the president"?
Did they make apologies for the Roman Empire like some Christian
apologists make for the U.S. Empire? Did they venerate the institution
of the military like many Christians do today?
C. John Cadoux
would say no.
Some books
are instant classics. Once published, they are the final word on
a subject. Such is the case with Cadoux’s 1919 book, The Early
Christian Attitude to War: A Contribution to the History of Christian
Ethics (London: Headley Bros. Publishers, xxxii+272 pages).
Although I have published a small collection of essays called Christianity
and War, and have since written many
more essays on this topic, Cadoux’s book is truly the definitive
work on the subject of the Christian attitude toward war and military
service. I am pleased to report that The Early Christian Attitude
to War is now available online, both in PDF
and HTML,
and in a printed,
hardbound reprint edition.
Although Cadoux’s
book was written just after World War I, nothing written since then
on this important subject is comparable in any way to it. Given
the violent history of the twentieth century, and the continued
participation by Christians in the state’s wars, this book is just
as relevant today as when it was written. In fact, many statements
Cadoux makes sound like they could have been written yesterday:
Among the
many problems of Christian ethics, the most urgent and challenging
at the present day is undoubtedly that of the Christian attitude
to war. Christian thought in the past has frequently occupied
itself with this problem; but there has never been a time when
the weight of it pressed more heavily upon the minds of Christian
people than it does to-day. The events of the past few years have
forced upon every thoughtful person throughout practically the
whole civilized world the necessity of arriving at some sort of
a decision on this complicated and critical question – in countless
cases a decision in which health, wealth, security, reputation,
and even life itself have been involved.
The book is
divided into four parts:
- The Teaching
of Jesus
- Forms of
the Early Christian Disapproval of War
- Forms of
the Early Christian Acceptance of War
- Summary
and Conclusion
These are preceded
by a Foreword, a very detailed Table of Contents, a Chronological
Table, and an Introduction. The book also includes an index.
Cadoux explains
his purpose in his Introduction:
The purpose
of the following pages is not to force or pervert the history
of the past in the interests of a present-day controversy, but
plainly and impartially to present the facts as to the early Christian
attitude to war – with just so much discussion as will suffice
to make this attitude in its various manifestations clear and
intelligible – and to do this by way of a contribution towards
the settlement of the whole complicated problem as it challenges
the Christian mind to-day. Having recently had occasion for another
purpose to work through virtually the whole of pre-Constantinian
Christian literature, the present writer has taken the opportunity
to collect practically all the available material in the original
authorities. His work will thus consist largely of quotations
from Christian authors, translated into English for the convenience
of the reader, and arranged on a systematic plan.
And although
he cautions that "the example of our Christian forefathers
indeed can never be of itself a sufficient basis for the settlement
of our own conduct to-day," Cadoux believes that "at the
same time the solution of our own ethical problems will involve
a study of the mind of Christendom on the same or similar questions
during bygone generations: and, for this purpose, perhaps no period
of Christian history is so important as that of the first three
centuries."
The Teaching
of Jesus
In part one,
Cadoux readily acknowledges that the Lord Jesus "gave his disciples
no explicit teaching on the subject of war." But, since "the
proportion of soldiers and policemen to civilians must have been
infinitesimal," and "no Jew could be compelled to serve
in the Roman legion," and "there was scarcely the remotest
likelihood that any disciple of Jesus would be pressed into the
army," there was no occasion that "presented itself to
him for any explicit pronouncement on the question as to whether
or not his disciples might serve as soldiers." Therefore, "the
silence of Jesus" does not mean that "no definite conclusion
on the point is to be derived from the Gospels."
After discussing,
among other things, the non-resistance teaching in the Sermon on
the Mount and pointing out Jesus’ refusal to advance his ideals
by political or coercive means, Cadoux concludes that his arguments
constitute
a strong body of evidence for the belief that Jesus both abjured
for himself and forbade to his disciples all use of physical violence
as a means of checking or deterring wrongdoers, not excluding
even that use of violence which is characteristic of the public
acts of society at large as distinct from the individual. On this
showing, participation in warfare is ruled out as inconsistent
with Christian principles of conduct.
Forms of
the Early Christian Disapproval of War
In part two
will be found the bulk of the material that substantiates Cadoux’s
thesis. He divides it into five sections:
- The Condemnation
of War in the Abstract
- The Essential
Peacefulness of Christianity
- The Christian
Treatment of Enemies and Wrongdoers
- The Christians’
Experience of Evil in the Character of Soldiers
- The Christian
Refusal to Participate in War
Cadoux properly
opens the first part of this chapter with the statement: "The
conditions under which the books of the New Testament were written
were not such as to give occasion for Christian utterances on the
wrongfulness of war." The early Christians, however, did write
on the subject, and were especially critical of the Roman Empire.
Cadoux points out how Arnobius
contrasted Christ with the Roman emperors: "Did he, claiming
royal power for himself, occupy the whole world with fierce legions,
and, (of) nations at peace from the beginning, destroy and remove
some, and compel others to put their necks beneath his yoke and
obey him?" Lactantius
says of the Romans:
They despise
indeed the excellence of the athlete, because there is no harm
in it; but royal excellence, because it is wont to do harm extensively,
they so admire that they think that brave and warlike generals
are placed in the assembly of the gods, and that there is no other
way to immortality than by leading armies, devastating foreign
(countries), destroying cities, overthrowing towns, (and) either
slaughtering or enslaving free peoples. Truly, the more men they
have afflicted, despoiled, (and) slain, the more noble and renowned
do they think themselves; and, captured by the appearance of empty
glory, they give the name of excellence to their crimes. Now I
would rather that they should make gods for themselves from the
slaughter of wild beasts than that they should approve of an immortality
so bloody. If any one has slain a single man, he is regarded as
contaminated and wicked, nor do they think it right that he should
be admitted to this earthly dwelling of the gods. But he who has
slaughtered endless thousands of men, deluged the fields with
blood, (and) infected rivers (with it), is admitted not only to
a temple, but even to heaven.
Writing before
Lactantius, Cyprian
speaks of the idea that "homicide is a crime when individuals
commit it, (but) it is called a virtue, when it is carried on publicly."
This idea that mass killing in war is acceptable but only the killing
of one’s neighbor violates the Sixth Commandment is unfortunately
a very prevalent idea among some Christians.
Cadoux concludes:
This collection
of passages will suffice to show how strong and deep was the early
Christian revulsion from and disapproval of war, both on account
of the dissension it represented and of the infliction of bloodshed
and suffering which it involved. The quotations show further how
closely warfare and murder were connected in Christian thought
by their possession of a common element – homicide; and the connection
gives a fresh significance for the subject before us to the extreme
Christian sensitiveness in regard to the sin of murder – a sensitiveness
attested by the frequency with which warnings, prohibitions, and
condemnations in regard to this particular sin were uttered and
the severity with which the Church dealt with the commission of
it by any of her own members. The strong disapprobation felt by
Christians for war was due to its close relationship with the
deadly sin that sufficed to keep the man guilty of it permanently
outside the Christian community.
Cadoux then
takes up the very nature of Christianity. If there was anything
at all advocated by the early Christians it was peace. After all,
they had some New Testament admonitions to go by:
- "Blessed
are the peacemakers" (Matthew 5:9)
- "Live
peaceably with all men" (Romans 12:18)
- "Follow
peace with all men" (Hebrews 12:14)
So, as Cadoux
says: "The natural counterpart of the Christian disapproval
of war was the conception of peace as being of the very stuff and
substance of the Christian life." Although this was ultimately
based on first having peace with God ("Therefore being justified
by faith, we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ"
[Romans 5:1]), this private concept of peace was made into a public
one. Cadoux quotes Justin
Martyr, from his Apology
and from his Dialogue
with Truphon the Jew:
For from
Jerusalem twelve men went out into the world, and these (were)
unlearned, unable to speak; but by (the) power of God they told
every race of men that they had been sent by Christ to teach all
(men) the word of God. And we, who were formerly slayers of one
another, not only do not make war upon our enemies, but, for the
sake of neither lying nor deceiving those who examine us, gladly
die confessing Christ.
And we who
had been filled with war and mutual slaughter and every wickedness,
have each one – all the world over – changed the instruments of
war, the swords into ploughs and the spears into farming instruments,
and we cultivate piety, righteousness, love for men, faith, (and)
the hope which is from the Father Himself through the Crucified
One.
Cadoux also
refers to the words of Tertullian:
The old law
vindicated itself by the vengeance of the sword, and plucked out
eye for eye, and requited injury with punishment; but the new
law pointed to clemency, and changed the former savagery of swords
and lances into tranquillity, and refashioned the former infliction
of war upon rivals and foes of the law into the peaceful acts
of ploughing and cultivating the earth.
In his third
section, Cadoux then explains how the attitude of the early Christians
toward their enemies and wrongdoers also demonstrates the early
Christian disapproval of war. First, since it is recurrent theme
of the New Testament, Cadoux quotes, among others, these passages:
- "Dearly
beloved, avenge not yourselves, but rather give place unto wrath"
(Romans 12:19)
- "As
we have therefore opportunity, let us do good unto all men"
(Galatians 6:10)
- "See
that none render evil for evil unto any man; but ever follow that
which is good" (1 Thessalonians 5:15)
And second,
he again refers to the Church Fathers. Cadoux wonders what Justin
Martyr would have thought about Christians serving in the military
when he said in his Apology:
We who hated
and slew one another, and because of (differences in) customs
would not share a common hearth with those who were not of our
tribe, now, after the appearance of Christ, have become sociable,
and pray for our enemies, and try to persuade those who hate (us)
unjustly, in order that they, living according to the good suggestions
of Christ, may share our hope of obtaining the same (reward) from
the God who is Master of all.
Lactantius
describes Christians as "those who are ignorant of wars, who
preserve concord with all, who are friends even to their enemies,
who love all men as brothers, who know how to curb anger and soften
with quiet moderation every madness of the mind." The just
man, according to Lactantius, "inflicts injury on none, nor
desires the property of others, nor defends his own if it is violently
carried off, since he knows also (how) to bear with moderation an
injury inflicted on him, because he is endowed with virtue, it is
necessary that the just man should be subject to the unjust, and
the wise man treated with insults by the fool."
Unlike many
Christians today who have a superstitious reverence for the military,
the early Christians did not think too highly of the Roman legions,
as Cadoux shows in section four. Ignatius
referred to soldiers as "beasts." Cadoux recounts case
after case of Roman soldiers abusing, persecuting, and killing Christians.
He refers to the account of Eusebius
of the suffering of Christians in which "soldiers appear at
every turn of the story, as the perpetrators either of the diabolical
and indescribable torments inflicted on both sexes or of the numerous
other afflictions and annoyances incidental to the persecution."
He also mentions the Didascalia,
which forbids the acceptance of money for the church "from
soldiers who behave unrighteously or from those who kill men or
from executioners or from any (of the) magistrate(s) of the Roman
Empire who are stained in wars and have shed innocent blood without
judgment."
If part two
contains the bulk of the material that substantiates Cadoux’s thesis,
then the fifth section, "The Christian Refusal to Participate
in War," is the quintessence of that material. Cadoux begins
by quoting the church historian Adolf
von Harnack (18511930) on the features of military life
that would have presented great difficulty to Christians:
The shedding
of blood on the battlefield, the use of torture in the law-courts,
the passing of death-sentences by officers and the execution of
them by common soldiers, the unconditional military oath, the
all-pervading worship of the Emperor, the sacrifices in which
all were expected in some way to participate, the average behaviour
of soldiers in peace-time, and other idolatrous and offensive
customs – all these would constitute in combination an exceedingly
powerful deterrent against any Christian joining the army on his
own initiative.
Cadoux’s extended
quotations from Tertullian and Origen
offer definitive proof that the early Christians were averse to
war and military service.
Writing in
defense of a Christian soldier who had refused to wear a garland
on the emperor’s birthday, Tertullian addresses the question of
whether a Christian ought to be in the military in the first place:
And in fact,
in order that I may approach the real issue of the military garland,
I think it has first to be investigated whether military service
is suitable for Christians at all. Besides, what sort (of proceeding)
is it, to deal with incidentals, when the (real) fault lies with
what has preceded them? Do we believe that the human ‘sacramentum’
may lawfully be added to the divine, and that (a Christian) may
(give a promise in) answer to another master after Christ, and
abjure father and mother and every kinsman, whom even the Law
commanded to be honoured and loved next to God, (and) whom the
Gospel also thus honoured, putting them above all save Christ
only? Will it be lawful (for him) to occupy himself with the sword,
when the Lord declares that he who uses the sword will perish
by the sword? And shall the son of peace, for whom it will be
unfitting even to go to law, be engaged in a battle? And shall
he, who is not the avenger even of his own wrongs, administer
chains and (im)prison(ment) and tortures and executions? Shall
he now go on guard for another more than for Christ, or (shall
he do it) on the Lord’s Day, when (he does) not (do it even) for
Christ? And shall he keep watch before temples, which he has renounced?
and take a meal there where the Apostle has forbidden it? And
those whom he has put to flight by exorcisms in the daytime, shall
he defend (them) at night, leaning and resting upon the pilum
with which Christ’s side was pierced? And shall he carry a flag,
too, that is a rival to Christ? And shall he ask for a watchword
from his chief, when he has already received one from God? And
(when he is) dead, shall he be disturbed by the bugler’s trumpet
– he who expects to be roused by the trumpet of the angel? And
shall the Christian, who is not allowed to burn (incense), to
whom Christ has remitted the punishment of fire, be burned according
to the discipline of the camp? (And) how many other sins can be
seen (to belong) to the functions of camp(-life) – (sins) which
must be explained as a transgression (of God’s law). The very
transference of (one’s) name from the camp of light to the camp
of darkness, is a transgression. Of course, the case is different,
if the faith comes subsequent(ly) to any (who are) already occupied
in military service, as (was, for instance, the case) with those
whom John admitted to baptism, and with the most believing centurions
whom Christ approves and whom Peter instructs: all the same, when
faith has been accepted and signed, either the service must be
left at once, as has been done by many, or else recourse must
be had to all sorts of cavilling, lest anything be committed against
God – (any, that is, of the things) which are not allowed (to
Christians) outside the army, or lastly that which the faith of
(Christian) civilians has fairly determined upon must be endured
for God. For military service will not promise impunity for sins
or immunity from martyrdom. The Christian is nowhere anything
else (than a Christian)…. With him (i.e. Christ) the civilian
believer is as much a soldier as the believing soldier is a civilian.
The state of faith does not admit necessities. No necessity of
sinning have they, whose one necessity is that of not sinning….
For (otherwise) even inclination can be pleaded (as a) necessity,
having of course an element of compulsion in it. I have stopped
up that very (appeal to necessity) in regard to other cases of
(wearing) garlands of office, for which (the plea of) necessity
is a most familiar defence; since either (we) must flee from (public)
offices for this reason, lest we fall into sins, or else we must
endure martyrdoms, that we may break (off our tenure of public)
offices. On (this) first aspect of the question, (namely) the
illegitimacy of the military life itself, I will not add more,
in order that the second (part of the question) may be restored
to its place – lest, if I banish military service with all my
force, I shall have issued a challenge to no purpose in regard
to the military garland.
Those who think
the military is tame now compared to the military in days gone by
have never read the testimony
of veterans on the subject.
Turning next
to Origen, Cadoux remarks that "his defence of the early Christian
refusal to participate in war is the only one that faces at all
thoroughly or completely the ultimate problems involved." In
his Against
Celsus, Origen remarks:
To those
who ask us whence we have come or whom we have (for) a leader,
we say that we have come in accordance with the counsels of Jesus
to cut down our warlike and arrogant swords of argument into ploughshares,
and we convert into sickles the spears we formerly used in fighting.
For we no longer take "sword against a nation," nor
do we learn "any more to make war," having become sons
of peace for the sake of Jesus, who is our leader, instead of
(following) the ancestral (customs) in which we were strangers
to the covenants.
In response
to the appeal of Celsus that Christians should serve as soldiers
for the emperor, Origen says:
Celsus next
urges us to help the Emperor with all (our) strength, and to labour
with him (in maintaining) justice, and to fight for him and serve
as soldiers with him, if he require (it), and to share military
command (with him). To this it has to be said that we do help
the Emperors as occasion (requires) with a help that is, so to
say, divine, and putting on "the whole armour of God."
And this we do in obedience to the apostolic voice which says:
"I therefore exhort you firstly that supplications, prayers,
intercessions, thanks-givings, be made for all men, for Emperors
and all who are in high station"; and the more pious one
is, so much the more effectual is he in helping the Emperors than
(are) the soldiers who go forth in battle-array and kill as many
as they can of the enemy. And then we should say this to those
who are strangers to the faith and who ask us to serve as soldiers
on behalf of the community and to kill men: that among you the
priests of certain statues and the temple-wardens of those whom
ye regard as gods keep their right-hand(s) unstained for the sake
of the sacrifices, in order that they may offer the appointed
sacrifices to those whom ye call gods, with hands unstained by
(human) blood and pure from acts of slaughter; and whenever war
comes, ye do not make the priests also serve. If then it is reasonable
to do this, how much more (reasonable is it, that), when others
are serving in the army, these (Christians) should do their military
service as priests and servants of God, keeping their right-hands
pure and striving by prayers to God on behalf of those who are
righteously serving as soldiers and of him who is reigning righteously,
in order that all things opposed and hostile to those that act
righteously may be put down?
Forms of
the Early Christian Acceptance of War
In part three,
Cadoux turns from "the various ways in which the Christian
abhorrence and disapproval of war expressed itself" to "the
various conditions and connections in which war was thought of by
Christian people without that association of reproach which so frequently
attached to it."
Cadoux begins
by correctly noting the biblical use of military terms to illustrate
the Christian life:
- "Put
on the whole armour of God" (Ephesians 6:11)
- "Thou
therefore endure hardness, as a good soldier of Jesus Christ"
(2 Timothy 2:3)
- "War
a good warfare" (1 Timothy 1:18)
He then further
points out that the Church Fathers likewise used "military
metaphors and similes" in their writings. But as Cadoux explains:
"For the purpose of pointing an argument or decorating a lesson,
a writer will sometimes use rhetorical analogies which seem likely
to carry weight, but which do not represent his own considered opinions
on that from which the analogy is drawn." Thus, when the Bible
says: "Then the LORD awaked as one out of sleep, and like a
mighty man that shouteth by reason of wine" (Psalm 78:65),
it doesn’t mean that God condones drunkenness.
What, then,
caused some of the early Christians to "accept" war? In
addition to the aforementioned biblical use of military terms, Cadoux
gives six factors:
The wars
of the Old Testament: some early Christians "accepted"
war because they could not separate the divine sanction of war against
the enemies of God in the Old Testament from the New Testament ethic
that taught otherwise.
Apocalyptic
wars: some early Christians "accepted" war because
of references in the Old Testament and the Apocalypse that told
of a victorious war to be waged by the Messiah against the enemies
of God.
The destruction
of Jerusalem: some early Christians "accepted" war
because they believed that the destruction of Jerusalem "was
a divinely ordained punishment inflicted on the Jewish nation for
its sin in rejecting and crucifying Christ."
War as an
instrument of divine justice: some early Christians "accepted"
war because of the generally accepted belief that war was a form
of divine chastisement.
The Christian
view of the state: some early Christians "accepted"
war because they believed war to be included in their belief that
"the State was a useful and necessary institution, ordained
by God for the security of life and property, the preservation of
peace, and the prevention and punishment of the grosser forms of
human sin."
The good
character of some soldiers: some early Christians "accepted"
war because they saw kindness exhibited by some pagan soldiers.
The fact that
some early Christians were influenced by one or more of these factors
is irrelevant. None of these influences necessitated Christian participation
in war or military service. There is nothing in the New Testament
from which to draw the conclusion that killing is somehow sanctified
if it is done in the name of the state.
Regarding war
as an instrument of divine chastisement, Cadoux explains that
a belief
in the use of war for the divine chastisement of the Jews and
of others who have been guilty of great offences, whatever theological
problems it may raise, certainly does not involve the believer
in the view that it is right or permissible for him to take a
part in inflicting such penalties. While Christians agreed that
the fall of Jerusalem and its accompanying calamities were a divine
chastisement, no one thought of inferring from that that the Roman
army was blameless or virtuous in the bloodthirsty and savage
cruelty it displayed in the siege. And in regard to the more general
view of war as a divine chastisement, if it could be inferred
from the fact of its being so that a Christian might lawfully
help to inflict it, it would follow that he might also under certain
conditions help to cause and spread a plague or to inflict persecution
on his fellow-Christians – for both plagues and persecutions were
regarded as divine chastisements just as war was. The obvious
absurdity of this conclusion ought to be enough to convince us
that the Christian idea of war being used by God to punish sin
certainly does not mean that the Christian may take part in it
with an easy conscience: on the contrary, the analogy of pestilence,
famine, persecution, etc., which are often coupled with war, strongly
suggests that participation in it could not possibly be a Christian
duty. And there can be no doubt that the vast majority of early
Christians acted in conformity with that view, whether or not
they theorized philosophically about it.
And regarding
the state in particular, Cadoux adds:
There was
nothing in the relative justification which Christians accorded
to the ordinary functions of government, including even its punitive
and coercive activities, which logically involved them in departing
from the ethics of the Sermon on the Mount and personally participating
in those activities.
Cadoux’s conclusion:
"None therefore of the various forms in which Christians may
be said to have ‘accepted’ war necessarily committed them to participation
in it." This does not
mean that there were no Christian soldiers in the Roman army. Cadoux
freely acknowledges this fact, although he does point out that "there
is no trace of the existence of any Christian soldiers" until
about the year 170.
Summary
and Conclusion
Cadoux very
nicely summarizes his research into the early Christian attitude
to war. He concludes that
The early
Christians took Jesus at his word, and understood his inculcations
of gentleness and non-resistance in their literal sense. They
closely identified their religion with peace; they strongly condemned
war for the bloodshed which it involved; they appropriated to
themselves the Old Testament prophecy which foretold the transformation
of the weapons of war into the implements of agriculture; they
declared that it was their policy to return good for evil and
to conquer evil with good.
Because of
their new outlook on life, refusal to serve in the military was
the normal policy of the early Christians. Soldiers left the army
upon their conversion to Christianity. And while "a general
distrust of ambition and a horror of contamination by idolatry entered
largely into the Christian aversion to military service," it
was "the sense of the utter contradiction between the work
of imprisoning, torturing, wounding, and killing, on the one hand,
and the Master’s teaching on the other" that "constituted
an equally fatal and conclusive objection."
W.E. Orchard,
who wrote the Foreword to Cadoux’s book almost ninety years ago,
explains why Christians in the twenty-first century will reject
Cadoux’s thesis:
The
only real objection which can be urged against the revival of
the early Christian attitude is that Christianity has accepted
the State, and that this carries with it the necessity for coercive
discipline within and the waging of war without; in which disagreeable
duties Christians must as citizens take their part. To refuse
this will expose civilization to disaster. It may perhaps serve
to provoke reflection to notice in passing that this was the argument
of Celsus and is the general attitude which determines German
thought on this subject. The truth is that the way of war, if
persisted in, is going to destroy civilization anyhow, and the
continual demand for war service will, sooner or later, bring
the modern State to anarchy.
Christians,
of all people, should stop making excuses for the necessity of war.
Cadoux’s work proves, at least on this point, that the early Christians
had better sense.
November
7, 2005
Laurence
M. Vance [send him mail]
is a freelance writer and an adjunct instructor in accounting and
economics at Pensacola Junior College in Pensacola, FL. He is also
the director of the Francis
Wayland Institute. His new book is Christianity
and War and Other Essays Against the Warfare State. Visit
his website.
Copyright
© 2005 LewRockwell.com
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M. Vance Archives
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