Saving Lives or Committing Evil?
by
Michael S. Rozeff
by Michael S. Rozeff
DIGG THIS
Why in 2006
are we engaged in a public discussion of torture? Why do prominent
lawyers and columnists promote torture? Why at this time are we
reading memos written by top U.S. officials that justify their power
to torture? Why do hear our Vice-President affirm that torturing
by means of water is justifiable? Why does our Congress pass laws
to legalize heinous acts of torture?
Why do we learn
that our military has been torturing captives? Why do we learn that
the CIA, continuing a long history of black deeds, has operated
secret and not-so-secret torture hideaways in foreign lands?
Our officials
simultaneously deny that torture is occurring under their command,
while they (A) seek and pass legislation that absolves them of culpability
of past crimes of torture, (B) seek and pass legislation that allows
them to torture captives, and (C) tell us that torture is necessary
for the safety of the American public.
Why are all
these events happening now? Didn’t nations agree to outlaw torture?
Why is the U.S. now (again) flouting the Geneva Convention? Is torture
necessary to save American lives and prevent another 9/11 catastrophe?
Why now?
When individual
murderers or serial killers torture their victims before killing
them, sensational stories are published. These dreadful cases are
so uncommon that we learn the names of the killers. Isolated individuals
rarely engage in torture. We do not hear about torture murder being
a systematic feature of day-to-day life.
We only begin
to hear about systematic torture when conditions are ripe for it.
Torture becomes widespread when conditions exist that bring out
bestial and cruel behavior in human beings and break down the usual
moral inhibitions.
What are these
conditions? (1) Torture typically arises when there are powerful
figures of authority like high priests, kings, emperors, generals,
bureaucrats, dictators, and presidents who possess the power to
torture, often without detection; (2) Torture will rise if there
is greater public indifference, sympathy, acquiescence, or even
approval. Polls suggest that about 58 percent of Americans are against
torture and 36 percent would allow some degree of torture. The world
averages are 59 and 29 percent, respectively. (3) Torture arises
when there exists an enemy real, imagined, or exaggerated
such as religious heretics, Algerian resistance fighters,
terrorists, insurgents, or unlawful enemy combatants.
Even at lower
levels of authority, such as with police forces and prison authorities,
one-sided brutality, mistreatment, and sometimes torture arise.
The enemies in these cases are common criminals, hippies, rioters,
draft-dodgers, or simply unruly people who seem to threaten the
police, the prison, society and the social order. Again, cruelty
and injustice are more likely when the public goes along with it.
Usually it
is war or violent struggle against an enemy that give rise to state-run
and state-approved torture on a noticeable scale. Often the enemy
is viewed as a shadowy conspiracy against society and its authorities.
The torturers
may want confessions to scare off other heretics or insurgents or
to show they are doing their job. They may want information concerning
the conspiracy whose dim outlines they fear. They may be part of
the state’s control apparatus over their own population.
The conspiracy
or enemy is seen as a danger that must be stamped out by any means,
even immoral and evil means like torture. The moral element has
to be negated or overcome. It takes training or indoctrination to
produce torturers who overcome their compunctions and consciences.
It takes a system. The U.S. military has provided such training
to the U.S. Army Special Forces in the past with the involvement
of the CIA. Between 1946 and 1984, the U.S. military taught torture
at the School for the Americas in Panama, later moved to Fort Benning,
Georgia. The CIA has been the main locus of U.S. torture capabilities.
The list of
authorities, usually state and government authorities, that have
tortured is very long, covering many places, times, and forms of
government. There were four separate Inquisitions in the Middle
Ages: French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Roman. English kings have
tortured. American soldiers employed water torture in the Philippine-American
War (18991902) against natives. The CIA has used torture for
decades. The British government operated a secret torture center
in London during World War II. America’s South Vietnamese ally tortured.
To this can be added Nazis, Communists, Fascists, South American
dictators, Middle Eastern countries including Israel and Iraq, etc.
States use
torture to maintain control over their own populations, that is,
to suppress dissidents, rebels, or enemies within. And they use
it to maintain control over insurgents in distant territories or
colonies.
Today we face
all the conditions that tend to generate torture. We have powerful
officials of state who want torture, long-established intelligence
and military bureaucracies that train for torture, a divided public
whose feelings do not run high against torture, and shadowy enemies.
The torture
bureaucracies
A good many
articles tell us that torture is ineffective and explain why it
is not effective. Interrogation along humane lines is said to produce
better results. These articles counter the impression left by U.S.
officials that torture has saved American lives.
There is some
truth to the theory that torture is ineffective, or at least that
it’s not as effective as one might believe. There’s enough plausibility
to this theory that it pays us to think through what such an idea
really means.
But at the
same time, torture surely accomplishes some of what it sets out
to do, even if it does so inefficiently. Didn’t Saddam Hussein hold
his rule partly through torture? Didn’t Stalin and Papa Doc Duvalier
use such methods? Didn’t Mao Zedong employ extensive torture in
his 1968 Cleansing Class Ranks campaign?
Suppose that
torture is actually a poor way to achieve the results it’s aimed
at. Then why do we observe it cropping up again and again under
the same conditions? Is it an error? Quite possibly it is.
I’ve argued
in the past that reliance on the state is a longstanding error,
in part because the connection between the state’s actions and the
effects of its actions are hard for people to discern and disentangle
from other causes. Furthermore, the state propagandizes on its own
behalf and its accountability is diffuse. These factors make it
hard for people at large to develop an appropriate, reliable, and
strongly-held folk wisdom that the state actually harms rather than
helps them.
Torture presents
a similar situation. In the U.S., the episodes of torture occur
once a generation or so, and society has no solid institutional
memory of how well or badly it works. It has been 35 years since
the Vietnam episode.
The authorities
can spin the torture theme to their own ends and manipulate public
opinion. What works against their success in selling torture is
the strong moral inhibition against its use, so the authorities
hammer away at this by emphasizing the expediency of the torture.
Since the public has no strong experience or knowledge base about
torture, a large fraction becomes persuaded that the moral rules
can be broken for the sake of saving lives.
If torture
is largely ineffective, why is it perpetuated? It’s like many government
programs that go on and on and on. First and foremost, torture is
not done by runaway individuals within the state. Torture is done
via bureaucratic or hierarchical methods within a state’s power
structure. One set of people orders it done. Another set of people
sets it up. Another set of people actually does it. The torture
is veiled in secrecy. The torturers are removed from the powers
above them that endorse the torture. All the parties involved feel
a need to justify that what they are doing works. But there is usually
no systematic checking up that the torture is effective.
Afterwards,
members of the bureaus and the public may possibly become aware
of anecdotal reports from disenchanted torturers, rival interrogators,
and those tortured that suggest that the torture didn’t achieve
its aim. But such spasmodic reports have little impact on the broad
public or even on the torture bureaucracies that always shy away
from taking responsibility for anything anyway.
In government,
few really know what is going on. Few know whether it’s doing any
good or not. Few care. Many are protecting themselves. Whistleblowers
are ignored or dealt with. Public outrage is deflected.
The FBI, which
may believe in benign interrogation, will have no strong interest
in promoting its views against the CIA, which may believe in brutality.
The higher-ups are disinterested, or interested only in knowing
that there have been some good results that they can trumpet in
order to make themselves look good. Even if there are no good results,
there are always those officials who want to show that they are
doing something to protect the public.
The whole situation
is typical of the state and the state’s bureaucracies.
A second set
of factors has to do with the top officials. Like the public, most
of the higher-ups are also ignorant of whether torture is effective
or not. This means that most officials do not have strong feelings
one way or another. Furthermore, being men and women of power, these
officials are less likely to be as morally inhibited as the typical
citizen is. In such a situation, if there are a few officials who
have strong pro-torture beliefs, they can persuade the fence-sitters
to activate or expand the torture capabilities that already exist
within some of the state’s bureaus.
The bottom
line is that while many citizens condemn torture and get sick to
their stomachs over it, and while many innocents and captives are
being destroyed by the torture apparatus of the state, the state’s
cruelties grind on.
The utilitarian
fallacy
The main argument
in favor of the current round of torture is the utilitarian one
that it has saved or is saving American lives. We do not have enough
information to verify whether this statement is true or false, but
neither do those who make it and they can’t get such information.
If the knowledge that Americans torture captives hardens resistance
against the U.S. and creates more insurgents, then torture has cost
American lives. Torture may cost the lives or sanity of some torturers.
It may teach Americans to ignore other moral rules and generate
further evils. Because the utilitarian cannot measure or know the
multiple negative effects of torture like these, he is incapable
of ever proving the statement that torture saves American lives.
There are deeper
objections to the utilitarian defense of torture. In the utilitarian
ethic, a bad act is allowable if its good consequences more than
outweigh the bad. This is supposed to provide a guiding rule by
which people live. But we must ask "Who is going to do the
bad act, such as the torturing?" Will it be each of us in our
daily lives? Will we each make judgments that we can do evil acts
because we think the good coming from them outweighs their evil?
Without moral guidelines, how can we possibly make such judgments,
and won’t they lead to chaos? How can we judge amounts of good and
bad and the ramifications of our evil acts?
Suppose anyone
can commit an evil act if he believes that the good it generates
outweighs it. Won’t the moral distinction between good and evil
simply break down as everyone does what he pleases according to
his own judgment? Won’t the distinction between evil-doers and good-doers
break down? How can we distinguish a victim from an aggressor if
the aggressor argues or believes that he is doing good by some malicious
act?
It is clear
that utilitarian rules can’t be used at an individual level as a
general way of life without creating chaos. Can they possibly be
used at a group or social level? This raises more questions. Who
can oversee this process? Who judges the amounts of good and evil?
Who says it is all right to euthanize old people so that the living
will live better? Who draws the lines? The state? Its employees?
Will some authorities be allowed to commit these crimes on behalf
of everyone else? But then who monitors them and decides whether
what they are doing has a net benefit to everyone else? Who controls
them? Even if a group process is followed, the distinction between
good and evil, between evil-doer and good-doer breaks down.
Suppose, however,
that somehow standards of good and evil are maintained. The utilitarian
ethic leads to a few people, or some of the people, or even a majority
of the people making life and death decisions for the rest. But
in this process, whether it be done by individuals or by social
groups, parties, or the state, there are no fixed standards
of good and evil. The utilitarian standards, if they exist at all,
are man-made. This means that they are subjective, changeable, and
biased. This means they are open to abuse. Changing rules of good
and evil must ultimately lead to confusion, clashes, and social
disorder.
Instead, suppose
that we have a fixed rule. Murder is forbidden, period, because
it is inherently evil. It’s evil because it violates God’s commandment.
We have a once-and-for-all judgment from above, from beyond mankind.
We have a clear line that avoids confusion. We have a moral law
that everyone can understand and implement. We have a stable and
constant rule, an absolute rule that prevents abuse. Such a law
makes the human being inviolate. We either have such a law or we
do not. Without such a moral law, we have an unsettled utilitarian
ethic. We have chaos, bias, and injustice. With such a law, we have
order, freedom, and justice.
The torture
quiz
Take the following
quiz.
-
Does the
threat of death lie behind torture?
-
Is torture
cruel?
-
Does torture
break the will?
-
Does torture
cause betrayal of honor?
-
Is it permissible
to wreck the body of a captive?
-
Is it
permissible to extract or steal information from a person’s
head under duress?
-
Is it
permissible to steal or injure a person’s mind? Health? Dignity?
Peace of mind?
-
Is torture
a physical aggression against a defenseless person?
-
Is torture
of a captured enemy soldier the appropriate response to their
participation in their defense or aggression?
-
It is
good to relieve the pain and suffering of others. If one inflicts
pain and suffering on others, is this not then evil?
You may grade
the quiz yourself. If you think this quiz is biased or if you favor
torture, you may add an additional unanswerable question: Does torture
save lives?
Or take the
one-question quiz: Would you want to be tortured, to be treated
inhumanely and cruelly?
A few religious
words
In Genesis
49, Jacob said of two of his sons: 5 "Simeon and Levi [are]
brothers; Instruments of cruelty [are in] their dwelling place.
6 Let not my soul enter their council; Let not my honor be united
to their assembly; For in their anger they slew a man, And in their
self-will they hamstrung an ox. 7 Cursed [be] their anger, for [it
is] fierce; And their wrath, for it is cruel! I will divide them
in Jacob And scatter them in Israel."
Simeon and
Levi are condemned for harboring instruments of cruelty and using
them in their wrath against men and oxen.
Psalm 74 says:
20 "Have respect to the covenant; For the dark places of the
earth are full of the haunts of cruelty."
The CIA’s covert
prison facilities are termed "black sites" in official
documents. God’s covenant and laws are opposed to these places of
cruelty.
Ezekiel 34
speaks against the cruelties of the misbehaving shepherds of Israel:
4 "The weak you have not strengthened, nor have you healed
those who were sick, nor bound up the broken, nor brought back what
was driven away, nor sought what was lost; but with force and cruelty
you have ruled them."
Leviticus 19
speaks of mistreating the deaf and blind: 14 "You shall not
curse the deaf, nor put a stumbling block before the blind, but
shall fear your God: I [am] the LORD."
Is it coincidence
that the U.S. military blindfolds and hoods its captives, or that
it deafens them and others with obnoxious sounds?
Pope Paul VI
promulgated Gaudium et Spes (December 7, 1965), in which was written:
"Furthermore, whatever is opposed to life itself, such as any
type of murder, genocide, abortion, euthanasia or wilful self-destruction,
whatever violates the integrity of the human person, such as mutilation,
torments inflicted on body or mind, attempts to coerce the will
itself; whatever insults human dignity, such as subhuman living
conditions, arbitrary imprisonment, deportation, slavery, prostitution,
the selling of women and children; as well as disgraceful working
conditions, where men are treated as mere tools for profit, rather
than as free and responsible persons; all these things and others
of their like are infamies indeed. They poison human society, but
they do more harm to those who practice them than those who suffer
from the injury. Moreover, they are supreme dishonor to the Creator."
Later, in Veritatis
splendor, August 6, 1993, Pope Paul classified all of these acts
as "intrinsically evil."
Conclusion
Speaking of
torture is difficult when American soldiers are taught to behave
barbarously in wars such as Vietnam and Iraq. It is hard to speak
of torture when hundreds of thousands of innocent people are slain
in and because of American-style warfare, or when America sets off
bloody civil wars such as in Iraq.
Torture is
the next step beyond the harsh, hostile, brutal, trigger-happy,
callous, and demeaning behavior of American soldiers that is so
often reported in the press. If torture is counter-productive, so
is this behavior. Both are products of state bureaucracies.
The
American public is altogether too lenient with its purse and its
sympathy for any American military enterprise. It is altogether
too tolerant of war-making and war-supporting Congressmen.
Americans,
how great our wickedness on the earth has become!
October
30, 2006
Michael
S. Rozeff [send him mail]
is the Louis M. Jacobs Professor of Finance at University at Buffalo.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
Michael
S. Rozeff Archives
|