Jobs,
Education, Health Care, Who Cares
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
I
have this in common with NPR, Michael Moore, the Black Caucus, and
assorted other grasping, complaining, anti-capitalist victim lobbies:
a burning desire to see George Bush's fingers pried loose from the
levers of power. This of course means that I, along with millions
of others anxious to get rid of the Bush junta, want to like Kerry
and his new trial-lawyer running mate named something or other.
Here's
the trouble. Kerry seems like a politician doll in 1930s garb. You
pull the cord and he talks about the ways that the government is
going to make your life better. He tells us that he will put Americans
back to work with good paying jobs. He will bring good education
to all our children and raise the salaries of America's teachers.
He will give all Americans access to quality health care at affordable
prices.
Does
anyone really believe this stuff anymore? It's all very embarrassing,
almost like Kerry is trying to discredit himself. With his list
of dumb and dumber policy plans, he somehow comes across as anti-intellectual even
more so than Bush, which takes some doing.
The
Kerry message, moreover, has no political resonance. Unemployment
is darn low by any standard, educational alternatives are popping
up everywhere, and health care has never been more accessible to
the masses. Whatever problems remain, and there are plenty, can
only be solved through market means. In education that means more
private schools, more homeschooling, and more booster clubs. In
health care, that means more entrepreneurial approaches, fee for
service clinics, drug re-importation, and the like.
The
old-line slogans voiced by Kerry are of course designed to pick
up votes from the usual Democratic base of public employees, labor
unions, and seniors living on public welfare. But this seems like
bad politics. He already has their votes (presumably). They don't
need to be convinced to support the Democratic nominee. As to whether
they actually believe the rhetoric, it's doubtful. Does any living
public school teacher really believe that Kerry will grant him or
her a raise? Does anyone who is genuinely concerned about his or
her place in the job market believe that Kerry will really find
this person a good job that is well-paying and secure?
The
whole theme of the Kerry ticket so far is maddeningly reactionary.
It seems to date from yesteryear, when economic affairs were national
as opposed to international, when government programs were large
instead of bit players in the market, and when labor unions controlled
a sizeable slice of the labor force. The Kerry ticket seems completely
detached from the reality of the world marketplace and the growing
implausibility of New Deal-style central planning.
Kerry’s
comments on trade give the whole game away: he promises to be more
protectionist than the incumbent, the most protectionist president
in modern times. In this, Kerry has done the near impossible in
making it appear that Bush, in relative terms, is the free-trade
candidate. That's pretty shabby politicking.
The
same pattern repeats itself on Iraq. Here is Bush's most vulnerable
spot. And what does Kerry manage to do? In what is an amazing feat
of disastrous political maneuvering, he has carved out a position
that is even worse than Bush's! He favors putting more troops in
Iraq and putting them under the command of the UN. Now here is a
position that seems perfectly designed to alienate every last red-blooded
American, a position that can only meet with approval among some
tiny segments of the Eastern Establishment intelligentsia. It seems
to show that Kerry is completely out of touch, not just with middle
America, but with any realities of American political culture.
This
is not the way Clinton campaigned. Gore didn't campaign this way
either. They both worked to paint themselves as New Democrats who
wanted tax cuts for the middle class and welfare reform. They were
for free trade (in name) and spoke hardly at all about foreign politics
except to generally avoid belligerent talk about foreign nations.
They did their best to distance themselves from the parasites who
make up the bulk of the base of the Democratic Party. They saw that
the way to win was through capturing the middle class using traditionally
Republican issues.
Now,
I'm somewhat realistic, so I'm not expecting Kerry to come out tomorrow
and endorse my preferred program of dismantling the entire welfare-warfare
state. Neither do I suggest that his best political move would be
to sing hymns to the glory of free enterprise, or otherwise attack
the government as a baneful influence in American life. Still, there
are issues he can campaign on that will attract new attention among
regular Americans, not alienate his base, and even get him elected.
It's
called triangulation, and it's worth a shot, because right now,
he is slated to lose badly (proof 1,
2,
3).
He can campaign on libertarian issues without actually bringing
up the sticky problem of economic systems. He can pick up the following
hugely important topics that have been left to languish.
The
debt and deficit: Bush has plainly driven the fiscal health
of the US into the gutter. Kerry could link this to the rise of
inflation. This is an issue that clearly favors Democrats.

Iraq:
Bush is being hurt very badly here. Kerry needs to shift to a position
that Americans can understand: leave Iraq.
Civil
liberties: Bush has shredded them, and Kerry can promise to
do something about it. This would resonate well with all voters.
Free
trade: Kerry should come out in favor of trade with all and
against corporate welfare at the same time, thereby pleasing the
merchant class and the new entrepreneurial class, and tapping into
a populist message at the same time.
These
four issues are all winners for the Democrats. They can be emphasized
without abandoning their core issues. They would make the GOP squirm.
As it is, even the people who are desperate to see Bush tossed out
find nothing in Kerry to inspire confidence. Someone needs to reach
this man with a dose of reality. Otherwise, the world will be stuck
with another four years of a presidency that will be even worse
if Bush perceives a mandate to wreck the world even more than he
already has.
July
7, 2004
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, editor of LewRockwell.com
and author of Speaking
of Liberty.
Copyright
© 2004 LewRockwell.com
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