The Real
Meaning of Security
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
Let's
think about the word security, which has been in the news lately
because the Bush administration seeks a major shift in efforts in
Iraq. It wants $3 billion moved from spending on reconstruction
to spending on "security." There's a political science lesson in
that usage.
The
reason for the shift, of course, is the obvious unraveling of anything
resembling civilization in Iraq: bombings, killings, mini-wars are
everywhere. Whole regions of Iraq are lost to US control, and not
even Baghdad is holding. Of the $18 billion congress allocated for
public works, the Bush administration argues that it makes sense
to divert some to bring some measure of public stability to the
country.
But
what are we really talking about when we say "security"? It is money
taken from you and me to be spent to force the Iraqi population
to submit to the puppet government that rules only because of the
US. It is money to pay for more police, weapons, bullets, bombs,
spying, arresting, torturing, jailing, maiming, and killing.
The
theory is that more fear and more fear-inspiring bloodshed will
tame the guerrillas and stop them from plotting more bombings, shootings,
killings. The money will buy compliance, and pay the bills of those
who use force to try to bring it about. Many people would be happy
for an end to violence, to be sure, but the primary purpose is the
protection of the state from rebels.
Submission
and compliance: that is what is meant by the term security in the
state's lexicon. It is an interesting choice of words. Its use in
public life dates at least to the advent of Social Security, a tax
scheme that promises to put you on welfare in your old age in exchange
for paying 14 percent of your income to support current retirees
who constitute the wealthiest demographic slice of the American
population. Even in this case, the term security meant compliance,
as shown by the tendency of recipients to back ever more redistribution.
Now
we have the Department of Homeland Security, a gargantuan agency
that administers foreign and domestic spying, sends hither swarms
of agents to harass us at airports, conduct drills in the event
that the government decides that martial law is the only option,
and generally suppress any and all signs of insurrection wherever
they might appear. Here too the term security means submission,
control, compliance, obedience, and stability for the state.
Who
is this security trying to secure? We are told it is for our own
benefit. It is government that makes us secure from terrible threats.
And yet, if we look closely, we can see that the main beneficiary
of security is the state itself. We all understand this intuitively.
Let's say you know that someone is after you an ex-spouse,
for example and threatens your very life. Would you call
the Department of Homeland Security and expect a response? No, the
DHS is there to protect the state, as evidenced by the comparatively
energetic response that a threat to the president's life would elicit.
Of
course, there is a need and demand for authentic security. We all
seek it. We lock our doors, deter criminals with alarms, arm ourselves
in case the alarms don’t do it, prepare for the worst in the case
of natural disaster, save for the future, and construct our professional
lives in ways that minimize the chance of disadvantageous turns
of events. This is what security means to us in the real world.
It
is not unexpected that the state would seek the same thing: security
for itself and its employees. The state has a special reason to
desire security: its agents are always a minority of the population,
funded by eating out their substance, and its rule is always vulnerable.
The more control it seeks over a population, the more its agents
have to watch their backs.
In
the world of ideas, a vigorous debate is taking place about the
extent to which private enterprise is capable of providing security,
not only as a supplement but as a full replacement for state-provided
security.
Advocates
of fully privatized security point out that in the real world,
most of the security we enjoy is purchased in the private sector.
Vast networks of food distribution protect against starvation, private
agents guard our homes, insurance companies provide compensation
in the event of unexpected misfortune, and the locks and guns and
gated communities provided by private enterprise do the bulk of
work for our security in the real world.
In
our community, we spent days preparing for what was expected to
be the terrible hurricane Ivan. It didn't do much damage here, but
in all the preparations, this much is clear: no one counted on the
government to do anything to protect us. And no one counts on the
government to do any reconstruction either. We depend entirely on
our own efforts, while post-disaster clean up would have been done
entirely by private contract.
The
message of this school of thought is that liberty and security (real
security) are not opposites such that one must choose between them.
They go together. Liberty is the essence of the free enterprise
system that provides for all our material needs, that helps us overcome
the uncertainties and contingencies of life.
As
for the public agencies, how do they act in a crisis? They are reduced
to sending out warnings to "stay alert" and otherwise blowing big
alarms as if no one can look outside their windows, listen to the
radio, or check the web. This is pretty much all Homeland Security
does with its laughable system of color-coded alerts. They also
order us to leave our homes, search us, and threaten us with arrest
if we protest.
The
truth is that government has less ability to protect us in an emergency
than we have to protect ourselves. And despite all the propaganda
you hear about brave public workers, the same was true during 9-11.
The bottom line is that it represented the greatest failure of state
security in a generation. That is the real lesson from that day.
Iraq
too demonstrates a lesson concerning public and private security.
When it is politically feasible, the big mucks in Iraq choose to
use private security firms to protect themselves. This was the major
undertaking of its mercenaries when the US civilian government was
running matters. How ironic that even the state chooses private
contractors when it can. When it seeks genuine security, it too
buys it on the free market.
Americans
have something in common with Iraqis: experience has told us that
when the government promises to bring us security, it means only
that it wants more control over our lives so that the state can
enjoy longevity and peace at our expense. The real choice isn't
between liberty and security; it is between our security and the
state's.
September
20, 2004
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, editor of LewRockwell.com,
and author of Speaking
of Liberty.
Copyright
© 2004 LewRockwell.com
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