The
New Communists
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell,
Jr.
What
gave rise to Bolshevism at the turn of the century is similarly
inspiring the movement that looted and burned last week in Genoa,
and, before that in Quebec City, Davos, and Seattle. The experience
of both causes shows how violent fanatics can gain a political stronghold,
and influence the course of history, provided they choose their
issues carefully-and just as carefully conceal their ambitions.
From
1916 through 1918, recall, the Bolsheviks agitated against the Russian
war on Germany. The Communists were wrong on everything but that
one issue, yet it was the most important. An entire generation of
young men was being drafted by the Tsar and sent to be killed, even
as the war was crushing the economy and spreading misery and suffering.
The
Tsar seemed impervious to the suffering. Meanwhile, Lenin and Trotsky,
maniacal Communists with a lust for blood, said the war was a symptom
of capitalism, which makes no sense, but they called for an end
to an undeniable injustice that no one else talked about. Not until
after they gained power did the Communists’ demonic intentions become
obvious to most Russians. But once the Reds consolidated their power
by murdering their adversaries, their bloody rule lasted 74 years.
The
international communism movement didn’t disappear after 1989; it
just took on new guises and causes. The media like to talk about
how diverse the protestors were in Genoa (the whites, pinks, and
blacks), but this applies only to their tactics and taste for blood.
They all agreed that capitalism, as embodied in the leadership of
industrialized nations, needs to be displaced. In this they were
homogeneous, save for a few straggling libertarians.
However,
the propaganda strength of the Genoa protestors was also based in
genuine complaints about the present state of things. Top of the
list: US military imperialism. The US has most of the guns and cares
least about the effects of their use. Everywhere on the global map
where you find US soldiers (in more than 100 countries), you will
also find locals who hate their guts, for their bad behavior and
arrogance.
US
military dominance has given rise to other complaints: that the
US exercises undue political influence on governments and international
agencies. In fact, many political trends of our times are best seen
as attempts to provide some counterweight to the one-superpower
world. Despite assurances, for example, this is precisely what the
Russia-China accord was all about. The burgeoning European Union
is another example.
As
Bronwen Maddox argued in The Times of London, the protests
and riots, which are rapidly becoming a full-scale international
political movement, are directed not at the existence of international
institutions as such, but at the extent of US influence over them.
And
with its extreme military dominance of the world, what does the
US demand? That its national interests come first. For example,
the US wants free markets for the international economy but a mercantilist
system of trade for itself. It wants war crimes trials for its political
enemies, but demands that it not be held accountable for any terror
it sponsors.
In
other words, the US is behaving like a classic empire-belligerent
and morally hypocritical. No, it’s even worse. Never before has
any empire held enough nuclear power to blow up the world, and twice
as much as any other single government, and at the same time insisted,
over the objections of virtually every other government, that it
should be the first to shield itself from retaliatory nuclear attack.
Moreover, the US is willing to throw treaties in the trash to get
away with it.
The
protest movement has been emboldened by the Bush administration’s
resolve to build a nuclear shield-the biggest government boondoggle
since the superconducting supercollider, and dangerous in the bargain.
In true Marxist fashion, the protestors blame capitalism as the
root problem (have they noticed that the military itself is a socialist
institution, entirely funded by tax dollars?) and favor Communism
as the answer.
And
so, inevitably, they lump together good positions the US takes (against
the Kyoto treaty) with the bad positions. Just as the US military
empire discredits its good economic works, the protestors mix their
laudable opposition to militarism with a damnable hatred of liberty
and property.
But
in general these people are long on complaints and short on answers.
The stock demand that international agencies do more to protect
"human rights" plays right into the hands of the power
elite. Thus Jacques Chirac, the French social democrat, made very
sympathetic comments toward the protestors. The final statement
of the G-8 included all sort of pious rambling about the world’s
poor, comments widely interpreted as concessions to the protestors.
The
protestors have no principled objection to international agencies
as such. Instead, they want to eliminate whatever good they do opening
world markets to capitalist exchange and expand the bad that they
do, which is imposing US-style regulation on the world. What may
look like violent conflict between the plutocrat and the protestor
is merely a disagreement between moderate and extreme attempts to
subject the world to global economic management.
To
understand the extent of the ideological confusion, have a look
at the manifesto of the anti-globalist movement. The book Empire
is written by would-be Lenins Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, and
it is unabashedly promoted as the new Communist
Manifesto.
The
authors (Negri is in jail in Rome and Hardt is a literature professor
at Duke) are economic ignoramuses. They live lives entirely shielded
from commercial society. They know nothing of the library of books
showing that their Marxiod views are nothing short of lunacy. And
yet the book is so much in demand that the publisher (Harvard University
Press) can’t keep it in stock. In fact, it is back-ordered six weeks.
If you are paying tuition for your child to go to college, it’s
a good bet that he will be reading this book in the next six months.
Here’s
what the book says, as gleaned from an equally insane op-ed in the
New York Times (June 20, 2001). Apart from its arch tone,
and cocksure sense that history is on their side, the authors’ complaints
amount to the usual leftist prattle about racism, sexism, and multinational
corporations.
But
whereas Marx and Engels were specific about what they demanded (the
abolition of the family and private property, for example) Hardt
and Negri are more circumspect. They merely ask for a "new
system" that would "eliminate inequalities between rich
and poor and between the powerful and the powerless" and "expand
the possibilities of self-determination."
That
last point about self-determination could mean anything (I bet not
secession, however). But the point about inequality is unmistakable.
Think about what it would require to "eliminate" inequality,
that is, to make everyone equal in wealth and power.
Look
it up: equal means the same, as in arithmetic. It cannot happen.
The attempt would require a looter state on a scale that we haven’t
seen since, well, since the early Soviet Union. As F.A. Hayek said,
"a claim for equality of material position can be met only
by a government with totalitarian powers."
But
Hardt and Negri don’t deal with Hayek, Ludwig von Mises, or any
serious thinkers in the liberal tradition. Their lunacy begins with
the premise that Marxism is true and they ignore or dismiss anything
that departs from that premise.
Some
may call their followers anarchists, but in fact what these people
want is total control. What life would be like under a regime inspired
by these people is foreshadowed in the streets of Genoa: looting,
burning, destruction, and chaos. The protestors did us a favor in
previewing exactly what would happen everywhere on the planet if
they prevail.
How
can they be beaten back? So long as the academic and welfare classes
stay on the public payroll, there will always be those who will
protest private property and capitalist economics. But what about
their growing popular support, such that 100,000 people showed up
to protest in Genoa?
Return
to the Bolshevik parallel. What if the Tsar had ended the draft,
pulled out the troops, stopped the war, and restored normalcy? He
would have strangled the Communist movement by eliminating its whole
political basis of support. The Russian people would have been spared
seven and a half decades of Hell on earth, and 40 million corpses.
So
it is with the new Communists. If we fear them, there is only one
path to victory over them. Strangle the US military empire. Withdraw
the troops. Dismantle the nuclear weapons. Scrap plans to build
a provocative shield.
Repeal
sanctions against Iraq, Cuba, and other nations on the bad guy list.
Withdraw from international agencies and mind our own business,
while trading with the world.
This
is not "caving in" to the demands of the protestors. It
is simply doing what is right, and thereby denying them a just pretext
for their political activities. To be sure, these actions would
not stop the fanatic ideologues behind the anti-globalism movement.
But it would take away whatever popular basis of support they enjoy.
To
do this now is more important than any of the elites presently know
or understand. The New Bolsheviks, already entrenched in academia
and NGOs, are a growing force in world politics.
Civilization
is fragile, and if the protestors get their way, we will find out
just how fragile.
July
27, 2001
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send
him mail], is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama.
Copyright
© 2001 LewRockwell.com
Lew
Rockwell Archives
|