The Impossible War
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
There
are some things that a state just cannot do, no matter how much
power it accumulates or employs. Some proposed policies are just
impossible. It was Ludwig
von Mises who first framed the issue with regard to socialism.
A strict socialist system robs society of everything essentially
economic (money prices for capital goods, the matrix of exchange,
private property) and thus whatever else socialism brings about,
it cannot bring about an economy.
So
too with myriad state programs, among which is the global War on
Terror. To shore up the war, there has been no shortage of rhetoric.
No expense is spared on arms escalation. There is no lack of will.
The effort has the backing of plenty of smart people. It is
backed by threats of massive bloodshed.
What
is missing is the essential means to cause the war to yield beneficial
results. Of all the billions of potential terrorists out there,
and the infinite possibilities of how, when, and where they will
strike, there is no way the state can possibly stop them, even if
it had the incentive to do so.
Consider
the most obvious evidence of failure, as pointed out by Congressman
Ron Paul in a stellar address at the Mises Institute (October
19, 2002) [Click HERE for MP3 Audio
of Dr. Paul's address]. He drew attention to the irony that the
Bush administration promised to eradicate terrorism all over the
globe, and meanwhile, a thug-sniper was loose in the beltway
for three weeks, claiming 14 random victims.
What is
being described as a triumph of the police is actually an example
of the spectacular failure of government-provided terror control.
The Pentagon patrolled the skies. The police thought about nothing
else. Hotlines rang constantly. After every shooting, police barricades interrupted
traffic flows for miles. Profilers with a lifetime of experience
were busy fitting the pieces together. But after weeks of work, and
more than enough clues, authorities were no closer to catching
or knowing anything about the sniper or sniper team than they were
after the first victim fell.
As
details emerged after the capture of John Allen Muhammad, it turns
out that he was not an amazing sharp-shooting genius but a thug
whose only training in shooting was provided courtesy of the US
taxpayer. What's more, he was practically begging to be caught,
calling the police to brag about a past crime, the scene
from which fingerprints had been taken.
In
the end, he was caught only thanks to a private individual who matched
the license and the description from the radio aired over the objections
of the police! And until he was caught, the biggest nation-state
in the history of the world, armed with 10,000 nuclear warheads
and funded with nearly a half trillion dollars per year, was
being humiliated and left cowering in the face of one military-trained
thug and a gun.
The
prevalence of violence in the US together with a global war on terror is
the equivalent of the simultaneous existence of the War on Poverty,
and grueling poverty in Anacostia, a few miles from the Housing
and Urban Development headquarters. The more the state tried to
eradicate poverty, the more it created, because the programs themselves
fed (inadvertently or not) the very conditions that they were trying
to alleviate.
So
it is with the War on Terror. Behind terrorism is political grievance,
mostly having to do with frustration at the activities and arrogance
of the state and its violations of rights. This is not speculation.
This is the word of the terrorists themselves, from Timothy McVeigh
to Osama Bin Laden to innumerable suicide bombers. The pool of actual
terrorists (like the poor in the War on Poverty) is limited and
can be known, and they are the ones the state focuses on. But the
pool of potential terrorists (and potential poor people) is unlimited,
and unleashed by the very means the state employs in its war.
Hence,
not only does the state not accomplish its stated goals, it recruits
more people into the armies of the enemy, and ends up completely
swamped by a problem that grows ever worse until the state throws
in the towel. In the meantime, the target population is able to
make a mockery of the state through sheer defiance.
As
more and more were added to the ranks of the poor and the intended
beneficiaries of the programs themselves began to mock the state's
benevolence, people began to speak of the failure and collapse of
the Great Society. Of course the welfare state still exists, but
the moral passion and ideological fervor is gone. In the same way,
we will soon begin speaking of the collapse of the War on Terror.
The
failure to get the sniper is only the beginning. Bin Laden is still
loose, and everyone knows that there are hundreds or thousands more
Bin Ladens out there. Terrorism has increased since the war began. Israel suffers
daily, and in constantly changing ways, ways even the notorious
intelligence units cannot anticipate or prevent.
The
theorist who first saw the collapse of the ideology of the nation-state,
Martin van Creveld, was asked about this in an interview
for the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. He was refreshingly
blunt:
"If
I were Arafat and the Palestinians, I would not put an end to
this intafada, because the way I see it, from the first day of
the first intafada they have been winning…. Nothing will work….
There is one thing that can be done and that is to put
an end to the situation whereby we are the strong fighting the
weak… You do that by A, waiting for a suitable opportunity...
B, doing whatever it takes to restore the balance of power between
us and the Palestinians... C, removing 90% of the causes of the
conflict, by pulling out...."
But
can't the state just kill more, employ ever more violence, perhaps
even terrify the enemy into passivity? It cannot work. Even prisons
experience rioting. Another bracing comment from van Creveld: "The
Americans in Vietnam tried
it. They killed between two-and-a-half and three million Vietnamese.
I don’t see that it helped them much."
Without
admitting defeat, the Americans finally pulled out of Vietnam,
which today has a thriving
stock market. To a notable extent, the war on poverty has ended
its most aggressive phases and poverty is declining.
What does this experience tell us about the War on Terror? The right
approach to this program, as to all government programs, is to end
it immediately.
But
wouldn't that mean surrender? It would mean that the state surrenders
its role but not that everyone else does. Had the airlines been
in charge of their own security, 9-11 would not have happened. Whatever
political motives the sniper has would not exist. Bin Laden would
have a hard time gaining recruits. Muslim fundamentalism would be
dealt a serious blow, for no longer would US policy
seem specifically designed to feed the madness of its lunatic fringe.
In
all the talk of war on Iraq,
I've yet to hear anyone claim that taking out Saddam or bringing
about a regime change will make the world a more peaceful, happier
place. No one really believes that. The last war on Iraq gave
rise to al-Qaeda due to sanctions and Christian troops in Saudi
Arabia, led to the bombing of the Oklahoma City federal building,
and emboldened an entire generation of Muslims to devote their lives
to fighting America. The next one will do the same.
The
War on Terror is impossible, not in the sense that it cannot cause
immense amounts of bloodshed and destruction and loss of liberty,
but in the sense that it cannot finally achieve what it is suppose
to achieve, and will only end in creating more of the same conditions
that led to its declaration in the first place.
In
other words, it is a typical government program, costly and unworkable,
like socialism, like the War on Poverty, like every other attempt
by the government to shape reality according to its own designs.
The
next time Bush gets up to make his promises of the amazing things
he will achieve through force of arms, how the world will be bent
and shaped by his administration, think of Stalin speaking at the
15th Party Congress, promising "further to promote
the development of our country's national economy in all branches
of production."
Everyone
applauded, and tens of thousands of landowners and factory managers
were shot pursuant to that goal, but in the end, even if he did
not know it, it was impossible to achieve.
October
23, 2002
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send
him mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, and editor of LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2002 LewRockwell.com
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