China:
From Death Camp to Civilization
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
DIGG THIS
A
hysteria of sorts has been generated by reports that some of China's
products lack quality control. Some cat food has been tainted. A
few cell-phone batteries have blown up. Cough syrup contained stuff
that makes you sick. And so on. In response, the Chinese government
actually executed its regulatory head of food and product safety,
Zheng Xiaoyu.
How very strange
this last point is! In the West, we long ago gave up the idea that
these people are actually supposed to carry out their jobs and should
be personally responsible for their failure to do so.
What is most
striking about these product criticisms is how historically insular
they appear in light of the modern history of China. This is a subject
that is deeply painful, horrifying in its detail, highly instructive
in helping us understand politics – and also puts into perspective
these reports of recent troubles in China. It's a scandal, in fact,
that few Westerners are even aware, or, if they are aware, they
are not conscious, of the bloody reality that prevailed in China
between the years 1949 and 1976, the years of rule by Mao Zedong
How many died
as a result of persecutions and the communist policies of Mao? Perhaps
you care to guess? Many people over the years have attempted to
guess. But they have always underestimated. As more data rolled
in during the 1980s and 1990s, and specialists have devoted themselves
to investigations and estimates, the figures have become ever more
reliable. And yet they remain imprecise. What kind of error term
are we talking about? It could be as low as 40 million. It could
be as high as 100 million or more. In the Great Leap Forward from
1959 to 1961 alone, figures range between 20 million to 75 million.
In the period before, 20 million. In the period after, tens of millions
more.
As scholars
in the area of mass death point out, most of us can't imagine 100
dead or 1000. Above that, we are just talking about statistics:
they have no conceptual meaning for us. And there is only so much
ghastly information that our brains can absorb, only so much blood
we can imagine. And yet there is more to why China's communist experiment
remains a hidden fact: it makes a decisive case against government
power, one even more compelling than the cases of Russia or Germany
in the 20th century.
The horror
was foreshadowed in a bloody civil war following the Second World
War. After some nine million people died, the communists emerged
victorious in 1949, with Mao as the ruler. The land of Lao-Tzu (rhyme,
rhythm, peace), Taoism (compassion, moderation, humility), and Confucianism
(piety, social harmony, individual development) was seized by the
strangest import to China ever: Marxism from Germany via Russia.
It was an ideology that denied all logic, experience, economic law,
property rights, and limits on the power of the state on grounds
that these notions were merely bourgeois prejudices, and what we
needed to transform society was a cadre with all power to transform
all things.
It's bizarre
to think about it, really: posters of Marx and Lenin in China, of
all places, and rule by an ideology of robbery, dictatorship, and
death. So spectacular has the transformation been in the last 25
years that one would hardly know that any of this ever happened,
except that the Communist Party is still running the place while
having tossed out the communist part.
The experiment
began in the most bloody way possible following the Second World
War, when all Western eyes were focused on matters at home and,
to the extent there was any foreign focus, it was on Russia. The
"good guys" had won the war in China, or so we were led to believe
in times when communism was the fashion.
The communization
of China took place in the usual three stages: purge, plan, and
scapegoat. First there was the purge to bring about communism. There
were guerillas to kill and land to nationalize. The churches had
to be destroyed. The counterrevolutionaries had to be put down.
The violence began in the country and spread later to the cities.
All peasants were first divided into four classes that were considered
politically acceptable: poor, semi-poor, average, and rich. Everyone
else was considered a landowner and targeted for elimination. If
no landowners could be found, the "rich" were often included
in this group. The demonized class was ferreted out in a country-wide
series of "bitterness meetings" in which people turned in their
neighbors for owning property and being politically disloyal. Those
who were so deemed were immediately executed along with those who
sympathized with them.
The rule was
that there had to be at least one person killed per village. The
number killed is estimated to be between one and five million. In
addition, another four to six million landowners were slaughtered
for the crime of being capital owners. If anyone was suspected of
hiding wealth, he or she was tortured with hot irons to confess.
The families of the killed were then tortured and the graves of
their ancestors looted and pillaged. What happened to the land?
It was divided into tiny plots and distributed among the remaining
peasants.
Then the campaign
moved to the cities. The political motivations here were at the
forefront, but there were also behavioral controls. Anyone who was
suspected of involvement in prostitution, gambling, tax evasion,
lying, fraud, opium dealing, or telling state secrets was executed
as a "bandit." Official estimates put the number of dead at two
million with another two million going to prison to die. Resident
committees of political loyalists watched every move. A nighttime
visit to another person was immediately reported and the parties
involved jailed or killed. The cells in the prisons themselves grew
ever smaller, with one person living in a space of about 14 inches.
Some prisoners were worked to death, and anyone involved in a revolt
was herded with collaborators and they were all burned.
There was industry
in the cities, but those who owned and managed them were subjected
to ever tighter restrictions: forced transparency, constant scrutinies,
crippling taxes, and pressure to offer up their businesses for collectivization.
There were many suicides among the owners of small and medium-sized
businesses, who saw the writing on the wall. Joining the party provided
only temporary respite, since in 1955 began the campaign against
hidden counterrevolutionaries in the party itself. A principle here
was that one in 10 party members was a secret traitor.
As the rivers
of blood rose ever higher, Mao brought about the Hundred Flowers
Campaign in two months of 1957, the legacy of which is the phrase
we often hear: "let a hundred flowers bloom." People were encouraged
to speak freely and give their point of view, an opportunity that
was very tempting for intellectuals. The liberalization was short
lived. In fact, it was a trick. All those who spoke out against
what was happening to China were rounded up and imprisoned, perhaps
between 400,000 and 700,000 people, including 10 percent of the
well-educated classes. Others were branded as right-wingers and
subjected to interrogation, reeducation, kicked out of their homes,
and shunned.
But this was
nothing compared with phase two, which was one of history’s great
central-planning catastrophes. Following the collectivization of
land, Mao decided to go further to dictate to the peasants what
they would grow, how they would grow it, and where they would ship
it, or whether they would grow anything at all as versus plunge
into industry. This would become the Great Leap Forward that would
generate history's most deadly famine. Peasants were grouped into
groups of thousands and forced to share all things. All groups were
to be economically self-sufficient. Production goals were raised
ever higher.
People were
moved by the hundreds of thousands from where production was high
to where it was low, as a means of boosting production. They were
moved too from agriculture to industry. There was a massive campaign
to collect tools and transform them into industrial skill. As a
means of showing hope for the future, collectives were encouraged
to have huge banquets and eat everything, especially meat. This
was a way of showing one's belief that the next year's harvest would
be even more bountiful.
Mao had this
idea that he knew how to grow grain. He proclaimed that "seeds are
happiest when growing together" and so seeds were sown at five to
ten times their usual density. Plants died, the soil dried out,
and the salt rose to the surface. To keep birds from eating grain,
sparrows were wiped out, which vastly increased the number of parasites.
Erosion and flooding became endemic. Tea plantations were turned
to rice fields, on grounds that tea was decadent and capitalistic.
Hydraulic equipment built to service the new collective farms didn't
work and lacked any replacement parts. This led Mao to put new emphasis
on localized industry, which was forced to appear in the same areas
as agriculture, leading to ever more chaos. Workers were drafted
from one sector to another, and mandatory cuts in some sectors was
balanced by mandatory high quotas in another.
In 1957, the
disaster was everywhere. Workers were growing too weak even to harvest
their meager crops, so they died watching the rice rot. Industry
churned and churned but produced nothing of any use. The government
responded by telling people that fat and proteins were unnecessary.
But the famine couldn't be denied. The black-market price of rice
rose 20 to 30 times. Because trade had been forbidden between collectives
(self-sufficiency, you know), millions were left to starve. By 1960,
the death rate soared from 15 percent to 68 percent, and the birth
rate plummeted. Anyone caught hording grain was shot. Peasants found
with the smallest amount were imprisoned. Fires were banned. Funerals
were prohibited as wasteful.
Villagers who
tried to flee from the countryside to the city were shot at the
gates. Deaths from hunger reached 50 percent in some villages. Survivors
boiled grass and bark to make soup and wandered the roads looking
for food. Sometimes they banded together and raided houses looking
for ground maize. Women were unable to conceive because of malnutrition.
People in work camps were used for food experiments that led to
sickness and death.
How bad did
it get? 1968 an 18-year-old member of the Red Guard, Wei Jingsheng,
took refuge with a family in a village of Anhui, and here he lived
to write about what he saw: "We walked along beside the village…Before
my eyes, among the weeds, rose up one of the scenes I had been told
about, one of the banquets at which the families had swapped children
in order to eat them. I could see the worried faces of the families
as they chewed the flesh of other people's children. The children
who were chasing butterflies in a nearby field seemed to be the
reincarnation of the children devoured by their parents. I felt
sorry for the children but not as sorry as I felt for their parents.
What had made them swallow that human flesh, amidst the tears and
grief of others flesh that they would never have imagined
tasting, even in their worst nightmares?" (The author of the passage
was jailed as a traitor but his status protected him from death
and he was finally released in 1997.)
How
many people died in the famine of 195961? The low range is
20 million. The high range is 43 million. Finally in 1961, the government
gave in and permitted food imports, but it was too little and too
late. Some peasants were again allowed to grow crops on their own
land. A few private workshops were opened. Some markets were permitted.
Finally, the famine began to abate and production grew.
But then the
third phase came: scapegoating. What had caused the calamity? The
official reason was anything but communism, anything but Mao. And
so the politically motivated round-up began again, and here we get
to the very heart of the Cultural Revolution. Thousands of camps
and detention centers were opened. People sent there died there.
In prison, the slightest excuse was used to dispense with people
– all to the good since the prisoners were a drain on the system,
so far as those in charge were concerned. The largest penal system
ever built was organized in a military fashion, with some camps
holding as many as 50,000 people.
There
was some sense in which everyone was in prison. Arrests were sweeping
and indiscriminate. Everyone had to carry around a copy of Mao’s
Little Red Book. To question the reason for arrest was itself evidence
of disloyalty, since the state was infallible. Once arrested, the
safest path was instant and frequent confession. This time, guards
were forbidden from using overt violence, so interrogations would
go on for hundreds of hours, and often the prisoner would die during
this process. Those named in the confession were then hunted down
and rounded up. Once you got through this process, you were sent
to a labor camp, where you were graded according to how many hours
you could work with little food. They were fed no meat nor given
any sugar or oil. Labor prisoners were further controlled by the
rationing of the little food they had.
The
final phase of this incredible litany of criminality lasted from
1966 to 1976, and during this phase the number of killed fell dramatically
to "only" one to three million. The government, now tired and in
the first stages of demoralization, began to lose control, first
within the labor camps and second in the countryside. And it was
this weakening that led to the final and, in some ways the most
vicious, of the communist periods in China's history.
The first stages
of rebellion occurred in the only way permissible: people began
to criticize the government for being too soft and too uncommitted
to the communist goal. Ironically, this began to appear precisely
as moderation became more overt in Russia. Neo-revolutionaries in
the Red Guard began to criticize the Chinese communists as "Khrushchev-like
reformers." As one writer put it, the guard "rose up against its
own government in order to defend it."
During
this period, the personality cult of Mao reached its height, with
the Little Red Book achieving a mythic status. The Red Guards roamed
the country in an attempt to purge the Four Old-Fashioned Things:
ideas, culture, customs, and habits. The remaining temples were
barricaded. Traditional opera was banned, with all costumes and
sets in the Beijing Opera burned. Monks were expelled. The calendar
was changed. All Christianity was banned. There were to be no pets
such as cats and birds. Humiliation was the order of the day.
Thus was the
Red Terror: in the capital city, there were 1,700 deaths and 84,000
people were run out. In other cities such as Shanghai, the figures
were worse. A massive party purge began, with hundreds of thousands
arrested and many murdered. Artists, writers, teachers, scientists,
technicians: all were targets. Pogroms were visited on community
after community, with Mao approving at every step as a means of
eliminating every possible political rival. But underneath, the
government was splintering and cracking, even as it became ever
more brutal and totalist in its outlook.
Finally
in 1976, Mao died. Within a few months, his closest advisers were
all imprisoned. And the reform began slowly at first and then at
breakneck speed. Civil liberties were restored (comparatively) and
the rehabilitations began. Torturers were prosecuted. Economic controls
were gradually relaxed. The economy, by virtue of human and private
economic initiative, was transformed.
Having read
the above, you are now in a tiny elite of people who know anything
about the greatest death camp in the history of the world that China
became between 1949 and 1976, an experiment in total control unlike
anything other in history. Many more people today know more about
China's exploding cell-phone batteries than the hundred million
dead and the untold amount of suffering that occurred under communism.
When you hear
about shoddy products coming from China or wheat poorly processed,
imagine millions in famine, with parents swapping children to eat
in order to stay alive. And what do China's critics today recommend?
More control by the government. Don't tell me that we've learned
anything from history. We don't even know enough about history to
learn from it.
Note
on sources, all of which you should buy and read in detail: "China:
A Long March into Night," by Jean-Louis Margolin in The
Black Book of Communism, by Stephane Courtois et al. (Harvard,
1999), pp. 463546; Death
by Government, by R.J. Rummel (Transaction, 1996); Hungry
Ghosts: Mao's Secret Famine, by Jaspar Becker (Owl Books,
1998); and Mao:
The Unknown Story, by Jung Chang and Jon Halliday (2006).
July
21, 2007
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, editor of LewRockwell.com,
and author of Speaking
of Liberty.
Copyright
© 2007 LewRockwell.com
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