Business-Cycle
Primer
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell,
Jr.
Sometimes
it’s painful to read the business press, and never more so than
during an economic slump. Reporters flail about for explanations.
They quote stock analysts, politicians, day traders, other journalists,
and even, from time to time, academic economists. But they never
seem to arrive at anything approaching an explanation.
If
you are purporting to examine the merit of various anti-recession
measures, you surely need some explanation of the recession’s cause.
The most common attempt at a theory has something to do with consumer
confidence. The press likes this one this year, because this is
the Clinton administration’s theory as to why, day by day, the economy
becomes weaker.
You
see, Clinton’s spokesmen have repeatedly said that the incoming
regime is threatening recession by the mere fact that Bush and Cheney
are talking about it. Remarkable. Bush isn’t even president yet
and the Clinton crew is blaming him for the economic conditions
of the past two quarters!
The
idea is this. If consumers believe the economy is headed down, they
might save instead of spend. The business sector, afflicted with
the same fears, doesn’t invest. The two forces merge to create a
decline in overall demand for goods and services, and, next thing
you know, it’s straight into the economic gutter.
So
is there anything to the "talk theory" of recession? As Frank
Shostak has pointed out, this theory implies that underlying
economic reality has no meaning. Whether we are rich or poor depends
on our collective state of mind. A recession becomes nothing but
a national bad mood.
On
the same theory, you could also claim that the economic boom of
the 1990s was a result of happy talk from government officials.
And maybe, based on this idea, the best way to avoid recession is
to turn off our radios, televisions, and computers. We should just
sit back and meditate on government press releases. That’ll keep
the boom going.
Gosh,
maybe we can talk our way into perpetual prosperity. If only we
knew the magic words, we could print them in a book and ship it
to the developing world where they can all talk their way into prosperity
too. Maybe there should be jail sentences for naysayers, who, after
all, threaten the national well-being.
Does
it sound absurd? Of course. But the business press, woefully uneducated
in economic theory and relentlessly biased, reports it straight,
as if those pushing the talk theory of the business cycle might
not have a political purpose in mind. And that purpose is obvious:
deny the reality of the situation and promote an illusion of truth.
That’s the Clinton way.
Another
theory going the rounds is that business cycles are like Clemenza’s
theory of familial war from Godfather I: "This thing’s gotta
happen every five years or so ten years helps to get rid of the
bad blood." And sometimes there seems to be a superficial plausibility
to the idea. But to say something happens in cycles is not to explain
it; it is only to observe the obvious.
Business
cycle theories are legion and they come and go. But the only explanation
that has stood the test of time was first advanced in 1912, in Ludwig
von Mises’s masterwork, The Theory of Money and Credit. Elaborations
on the theory, by Mises and his student Hayek in the 1930s, culminated
in the Austrian theory of the business cycle.
The
theory begins by observing the profound effect that interest rates
have on investment decisions. Left to the market, interest rates
are determined by the supply of credit (a mirror of the savings
rate) and the willingness to take risks in the market (a mirror
of the return on capital). What throws this out of whack is manipulation
by the central bank.
When
the Fed feeds artificial credit into the economy by lowering interest
rates, it spurs investments in projects that eventually don’t pan
out. For example, the high-tech and dot-com manias resulted from
a decade of sustained money growth via lower interest rates. When
the Fed stepped on the brakes to prevent prices from rising, it
prompted a sell-off, and hence a downturn.
What’s
tricky to understand is what can’t be seen. Just because prices
aren’t going up doesn’t mean the money supply is in check. Just
because people in some sectors are getting rich doesn’t mean that
the prosperity is on solid ground. Just because the stock market
is going up doesn’t mean that the architecture of investment (to
use James Grant’s phrase) is in good working order.
Right
now, conventional wisdom says that the Fed needs to flood the economy
with money and credit. But as we can see, it is precisely this path
that created the problems to begin with. Besides, Japan tried this
trick in the 1990s, even lowering interest rates to zero, without
effect. No Austrian economist was surprised when the Fed’s dramatic
intervention this month produced no lasting effect on the markets.
Clemenza is correct to this extent: there is bad blood in the economy
and it needs to be drained.
There
are ways to make recessions easier to endure. Cutting taxes is one
of them.
Getting rid of regulations that hinder enterprise is another. The
outrageous hounding of Microsoft among many others facing the antitrust
guillotine,
as well as the many trumped-up suits against businesses for "racism,"
must stop. These are prosperity killers. The purpose of freeing
the
market is not to stimulate demand (as Bush’s advisers seem to think)
but
to unshackle entrepreneurship and permit the consuming public more
choice
in using their money.
As
you can see, this theory is at once too sophisticated and too clear
for most business reporters to grasp. They aren’t interested in
reading a dusty old treatise on monetary theory. Neither, I’m afraid,
are Bush’s economic advisers. But at least Bush’s intuitions are
on track. A big, immediate tax cut won’t stop the slide, but it
will cushion a hard landing.
January
19, 2001
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr., is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama. He also edits a daily
news site, LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2001 LewRockwell.com
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