Government
the Destroyer
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
DIGG THIS
This talk
was delivered at the 2008
Mises Circle
in Houston.
The claim of
the Austrian School that has scandalized members of other schools
for 150 years is the following. The propositions of economics are
universal. The principles apply in all times and all places, because
they derive from the structure of reality and human action.
What brought
about economic growth, inflation, or the business cycle in China
300 BC are the same institutions that drive phenomena in the United
States in AD 2008. The circumstances of time and place change, but
the underlying economic reality is identical.
That claim
has made other economists – to say nothing of sociologists, historians,
and politicians – scatter like pigeons. The Historical School poured
scorn on this idea, and Carl Menger, the founder of the Austrian
School, fought them tooth and nail. The Chicago School of positivists
found the claim preposterous, and Mises and Hayek and Rothbard battled
them. The Keynesians have long been outraged, and the postwar Austrian
generation reasserted the truth. The socialists, who posit that
rearranging property titles will transform all of reality, say that
the claim is absurd, capitalistic nonsense.
But there it
stands. No matter where or when, the essential prerequisite for
economic growth is capital accumulation in a framework of freedom
and sound money. The consequence of price control is shortage and
surplus. The effect of money expansion is inflation and the business
cycle. The effect of every form of intervention is to make society
less prosperous than it would otherwise be.
The
list of universals is endless, which is why every age needs good
economists to explain and articulate the truth.
Well, I would
like to add that there are universal fallacies too.
Frédéric Bastiat
pointed to one: the belief that the destruction of wealth fuels
its creation. He explains this by means of an allegory that has
come to be known as the story of the broken window. Most famously
it was retold as the opening of Henry Hazlitt's Economics
in One Lesson, which is probably the bestselling economics
book of all time.
A kid throws
a rock at a window and breaks it, and everyone standing around regrets
the unfortunate state of affairs. But then up walks a man who purports
to be wise and all-knowing. He points out that this is not a bad
thing after all. The man fixing the window will get money for doing
so. This will then be spent on a new suit, and the tailor too will
get money. The tailor will spend money on other items and the circle
of rising prosperity will expand without end.
What's wrong
with this scenario? As Bastiat put it, "It is not seen that as our
shopkeeper has spent six francs upon one thing, he cannot spend
them upon another. It is not seen that if he had not had a window
to replace, he would, perhaps, have replaced his old shoes, or added
another book to his library. In short, he would have employed his
six francs in some way which this accident has prevented."
You can see
the absurdity of the position of the wise commentator when you take
it to absurd extremes. If the broken window really produces wealth,
why not break all windows up and down the whole city block? Indeed,
why not break doors and walls? Why not tear down all houses so that
they can be rebuilt? Why not bomb whole cities so construction firms
can get busy rebuilding?
It is not a
good thing to destroy wealth. Bastiat puts it this way. "Society
loses the value of things which are uselessly destroyed."
It sounds like
an unexceptional claim. But herein rests the core case against everything
the government does. Perhaps, then, we can see why the allegory
is not better known. If we took it seriously, we would dismantle
the whole apparatus of American economic intervention.
If you are
with me to this point, perhaps you have a hard time believing that
anyone really believes that wealth destruction is actually a good
thing. Let me try to show that the fallacy is as pervasive as ever.
After
every natural disaster, we at the Mises Institute start what we
call the Broken Window Watch.
After Hurricane
Katrina, the Labor Secretary said: "What will happen – and I have
seen this in previous catastrophes and hurricanes – there is a bright
spot in that new jobs do get created."
And The
Economist said, "While big hurricanes like Katrina destroy wealth,
they often have a net positive effect on GDP growth, as the temporary
downturn immediately after the storm is more than made up for by
the burst of economic activity that takes place when the rebuilding
begins."
And the New
York Times said: "Economists point out that although Katrina has
destroyed a lot of accumulated wealth, it ultimately will probably
have a positive effect on growth data over the next few months as
resources are channeled into rebuilding."
After last
year's California fires, we heard this. "In the odd nature of economic
accounting, this will probably be a stimulus," said Alan Gin, a
University of San Diego economist. "There will be a huge amount
of rebuilding in the next couple of years, financed by insurance
payments."
And CBS Marketwatch
said: "Economists have noted the perverse reality that in the wake
of disasters, re-construction spending helps the economy, even as
people are still struggling to recover from their personal losses."
Note that personal
loss here is deemed rather irrelevant compared with the beneficial
macroeconomic results. Here we have a theme we find often in economics,
the attempt to drive a wedge between what makes sense for individuals
and what is good for society. We see this on display in this recessionary
environment, when people are told to spend spend spend, even though
most people understand that recessions are times for saving.
Continuing
on, we find the Broken Window fallacy popping up even after 9-11.
Timothy Noah
of Slate wrote: "We live in a very wealthy nation that responds
to horrible disasters by spending large sums of money…. It will
also provide a meaningful Keynesian stimulus to a national economy
that, let's face it, was tottering on the brink of recession well
before Sept. 11. The recession may still come, but the countercyclical
spending should help shorten it."
Another economist
declared: "Initially, this could provide a significant boost to
an economy that had been slumping. The construction industry
could benefit from the rebuilding process. There may also be a boon
for slumping tech sales, in replacing lost equipment."
Thus can we
see the continuing relevance not only of Bastiat's allegory but
also of the characters in the story. The posturing wiseguy who says
that breaking windows is good for the economy keeps reappearing
again and again. So entrenched is this mistake that we might call
it official economic doctrine for the whole country.
I ask you to
consider the absurd discussion of a stimulus package designed to
rescue the economy from recession. The idea is that the government
will inject funds into private markets to stimulate them to the
point that they will run on their own. Not once in this debate have
I heard anyone ask the core question: where is this money going
to come from?
It
seems that Washington wants us to believe that they have some magic
machine that can turn up $150 billion in new assets without anyone
having to do anything to make these assets appear. One wonders,
then, why we need to wait until a recession to stimulate the economy.
Why not magically create hundreds of billions every day, and not
just for this country but for the entire world? Why are we holding
back?
Now, the ideas
of the stimulus package are not 100% awful. Some people are talking
about tax cuts, which is a good thing but rather pointless without
spending cuts. I'm particularly intrigued by the underlying assumption
here that taxes work as a drag on an economy whereas tax cuts fuel
expansion. If that is the case, and is indeed true but for different
reasons than Washington gives, why wait until the recession to cut
taxes? If taking less from us is good for the economy, we should
institute this as a universal policy.
One great lesson
of political economy, emphasized for centuries, is that the government
creates no wealth of its own. Everything it has it has to get from
you and me, one way or another. It can tax. It can borrow. And,
finally, it can inflate by means of credit market manipulation.
This third option is the most disguised. When people hear the words
monetary policy, they figure that this is something they will leave
to experts. And central bankers have an astonishing talent for obfuscation
to the point that no one knows with certainty precisely what they
are doing.
The whole show
is designed to make us go to sleep and not think about what is really
going on. The unvarnished truth is that when the Fed artificially
lowers rates, it is creating new money that waters down the value
of the existing money stock, yielding a lower purchasing power for
the dollar. That's another way of saying that it creates inflation
– perhaps not right away, and perhaps not across all economic sectors,
but eventually and certainly.
This, my friends,
is a form of breaking windows. It is wealth destruction. It matters
not that there will be more dollars to spend, because prices will
be higher and wealth has been drained out of the private sector,
and redistributed within it. It is Bastiat's fallacy reinvented
in a new form.
New money also
distorts production structures. At the very time when the market
is pressuring long-term investment to pull back, the lower rates
encourage expansion in ways that prolong the crisis. It only delays
and worsens the inevitable. The Great Depression taught us that
government is capable of doing this to the point that the crisis
can last for 17 years. So this is no small matter. A government
determined to prevent recession is a government that might end up
sustaining one to the point of the collapse of civilization itself.
It is a perverse
belief, but pervasive nonetheless. It is believed by both political
parties. It is held by the president, the media, and the congress
(except for Ron Paul). It is a reflexive belief, one that reflects
a failure to think between stages and see the unseen effects of
government intervention.
One reason
that Bastiat's example has power is that it applies not just in
one area of policy but all areas. If it isn't true that breaking
windows creates wealth, it is not true that government spending
and inflating is a boon to the economy. It only ends up draining
wealth from the private sector, which is the only source of wealth
creation.
It doesn't
matter what the government spends money on. For example, building
pyramids with tax dollars is not good for the economy, despite what
Keynes claimed. But neither is waging war good for us or the victim
country, despite constant claims to the contrary.
It is surely
one of the most deadly myths that the Second World War ended the
depression. As Robert Higgs has shown, it further prolonged it,
all phony data aside. And consider the spending on the war on terror.
If government spending were capable of stimulating the economy,
we would not have recession right now.
Chris Westley
assembled some data on the last seven years of economic conditions,
and it is sobering indeed. Since 2000, tax revenues are up 25%.
That's wealth destruction. Government spending is setting records
for expansion, with $1 trillion added to the annul budget, with
military spending up $250 billion each year over the egregious $400
billion spent annually in 2000. That's wealth destruction. The national
debt is up 59%. That has to be paid. More destruction.
Social security
liabilities are up 60%. That too is the promise of future destruction.
The money supply is up 72%. More destruction. Inflation itself has
risen 20%, so the dollar of 2000 is now worth 80 cents. The gas
price alone is up 118%, so that too is wealth destroyed. As an indication
of economic trouble, the gold price is up 206%.
Here is the
story so far of the government's great stimulus. It has led to hard
economic times. More of the same will create more of the same and
worse. The unemployment rate is rising. Savings are falling. Prices
are rising. We are less secure, less prosperous, and we have fewer
opportunities than ever to dig our way out of this mess.
Government
expansion has actually created the absurd scenario mentioned above.
The boy threw the rock, the crowds in Washington believed the sophist,
and now they are plotting to raze all homes on the block, in the
name of economic recovery.
Have we learned
from the Great Depression? Ben Bernanke believes that he has learned
something. He believes that the key problem of that period was a
failure of the central bank to pump in enough money and credit.
He has never absorbed the critical observation of Rothbard that
the Fed did attempt to pump up the money supply from 19291934.
They used every mechanism, but the credit markets found few takers,
and without their cooperation, the money supply does not expand.
The real lesson
of the Great Depression is that there is nothing that the central
bank can do to forestall a recession whose time has come, and nothing
government can do to improve the situation once the recession has
arrived. Everything it attempts to do – except shrink – only ends
up making matters worse.
So it is in
our time. We must ask ourselves what Washington is capable of doing
this time around. I believe that the answer is anything and everything.
Bernanke will attempt to flood the economy with money. Washington
is perfectly capable of imposing price and wage controls on the
entire economy. It is capable of terrifying levels of protectionist
legislation. New taxes are less likely but taxation through debt
accumulation is probably inevitable. There might be rationing, spending
mandates, anti-hoarding legislation, and more.
The assumption
that driving up consumption is the key to prosperity is particularly
dangerous, and also pregnant with irony. During good economic times,
we are hounded constantly by the intellectual elites for our consumption
habits. It is said that we are a greedy nation, buying ever more
fripperies and not looking after the long term. The American public
is decried by the intellectual elites as materialist, consumerist,
and short sighted.
Then recession
hits and the tune changes completely. Reliable leftists, fresh from
having complained about the egregious spending habits of the American
consumer, suddenly turn on a dime and tell us that more consumption
is the key to economic growth. They favor policies that would get
us to fork over ever more of our money, under the belief that the
core problem is a lack of demand!
A recent example
is Barack Obama, who said last year that the problem with popular
culture is that it "saturates our airwaves with a steady stream
of sex, violence and materialism." But only this week, he seemed
to endorse one of the three. "If the economy continues to decline
in the coming weeks, we should send checks to people," he said.
"This is the quickest way to help people pay their bills and get
them to start spending."
In fact, less
spending and more saving is what is called for during a recession,
which is nothing but a market correction writ large. Attempting
to coerce spending threatens the value of the dollar itself.
Here we face
a very dangerous situation. If the dollar ever ceases to be the
international currency of choice, and this could happen, we could
face roaring inflation. And with dreadful legislation that prohibits
any kind of choice in currency, Americans will be stuck. Here is
a problem that could cause near panic in Washington.
The irony here
is that after a century of failed interventionism and socialism,
Washington is no less likely, and probably far more likely, to take
the path of least resistance and accumulate ever more power unto
itself, at our expense.
We are in an
election season, so of course people ask who would be the least
bad person to head the state in the years ahead. The answer here
is not at all clear, if it is not Dr. Paul. As with the 1930s we
face a choice between militaristic fascism and Keynesian-style socialism
combined with environmentalism. These are two very grim choices.
I tell you
this not to spread gloom but merely to be realistic about the prospects
for the future of American politics. But there is also good news
to be considered. The private sector has raced so far ahead of the
state, and is so global, that it is far more resilient than before.
There are safety valves available in the form of international capital
markets.
The
government is so much bigger now than in the 1930s, but, paradoxically,
that also makes it less effective than it once was, which is very
good news. It is a massive, lumbering giant, whereas the markets
are a speed racer.
I might also
point out that the government enjoys nowhere near the respect it
once had. Once the governing elite consisted of the nation's elite,
coming from the best families and the best schools. Today, the governing
elite has never been more transparently ridiculous and even freakish.
Gone are the aristocratic public servants of yesterday; today, the
government is made up of a class of hucksters and gangsters that
inspires no confidence.
This is all
to the good, for as Mencken said, it is always great when we do
not get all the government we pay for.
On the intellectual
level, the teachings of economics in the Austrian School tradition
have never been more available to the world, or more frequently
cited and discussed. And a recessionary environment guarantees more
attention to the Austrian theory of the business cycle simply because
this is the only model that makes sense of our current problems.
We should never
underestimate the power of ideas to make a difference in the world.
During the Great Depression, the resistance to the state was present
but weak. Today we have built up a mighty intellectual army that
extends across the globe. We are prepared in ways that they were
not. We have thousands of students and faculty, and men and women
of affairs who know real economics. We have the internet. We have
new books that put the whole problem in perspective, such as Jesús
Huerta de Soto's work on business cycles. We have the biography
of Mises now, and it illustrates the heroism of political dissidence.
The works of Rothbard on the Great Depression and central banking
have never been more widely circulated and available. This time
our masters in Washington will not go unopposed.
At
the Mises Institute, now in our 26th year, we tried to
maintain a careful balance between serious and fundamental scholarly
work, and public advocacy. We must never lose sight of the need
for research and detailed work. It is not enough to merely repeat
slogans. At the same time, there are some foundational lessons of
economics that must be taught again and again with each new generation.
The fallacy of the Broken Window is one of them, and its implications
are truly radical.
Both Bastiat
and Hazlitt saw that the government is the great window breaker,
that destroyer of wealth that drives the economy backwards. The
engine of creativity, recovery, and expansion is the private sector,
completely unencumbered by state intervention. Ron Paul's newest
book is called Pillars
of Prosperity: Free Markets, Sound Money, and Private Property.
The title nicely sums up the message of the economics of freedom.
It bears repeating
in every age, in all places, for we will never be completely free
of the great threat of the window breaker. So long as there are
governments with stones ready to throw, there will be a need for
someone to point out that destruction is never productive, never
beneficial, and never a path to the good life that we all seek.
January
28, 2008
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is founder and president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, editor of LewRockwell.com,
and author of Speaking
of Liberty.
Copyright
© 2008 LewRockwell.com
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