The Disrespect for Truth has Brought a New Dark Age
by
Paul Craig Roberts
by Paul Craig Roberts
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In her historical mystery, The
Daughter of Time, Josephine Tey (a pen name of Elizabeth
MacKintosh) has Scotland Yard Inspector Alan Grant, while confined
to his hospital bed, solve the 15th century murder of the two York
princes in the Tower of London. The princes were murdered by Henry
VII, and the crime was blamed on Richard III in order to justify
the upstart Tudor’s violent seizure of the English throne.
Tey makes the point that if a 20th century mystery writer can detect
the truth about a 15th century murder, historians have no excuse
to persist in writing in school textbooks that Richard murdered
his nephews. British historians remained loyal to the Tudor propaganda
long after the Tudors were no longer around to be feared or served.
At the beginning of the scientific era, men had the hope that the
ability to discover truth would free mankind from superstition,
dogma, and the service of power. The belief in truth was powerful.
Truth would deliver justice and bring an end to status-based privileges
and the falsehoods propagated by privilege. The faith in truth was
short-lived. Today propaganda is everywhere in the ascendency.
In the panoply of left-wing propaganda about Pinochet, it is nowhere
mentioned that Allende was appointed president of Chile by the Chilean
congress, which three years later called on Chile’s military to
oust Allende for his totalitarian ways. Instead, Allende is portrayed
as a "popularly elected president who was overthrown by a tyrant."
Every week another apologist for President Bush compares "Bush’s
fight for Iraqi freedom" to Abraham Lincoln’s "fight to
free the slaves." The American civil war was not fought to
"free the slaves," as Thomas
DiLorenzo and other scholars have thoroughly documented, any
more than the purpose of Bush’s illegal invasion of Iraq was to
"bring freedom to Iraqis." The freedom excuse was invented
after it became impossible to maintain the fictions about Iraqi
weapons of mass destruction and Saddam Hussein’s connections to
Osama bin Laden. Bush has yet to tell the real reason he invaded
Iraq.
In the US today, demonization and propaganda substitute for facts
and analysis. Professors and journalists are quick to lend their
names and voices to the untruths that rule our lives. Just as Hitler’s
foreign policy was based in propaganda, so is Bush’s and Blair’s.
The success of propaganda enhances government’s illusion that it
has a monopoly on truth. It is the monopoly on truth that gives
the Bush regime the right to define the "Iran problem,"
the "Syria problem," the "Lebanon problem,"
and the "Korea problem" and to apply coercion in place
of understanding and negotiation.
Secure in its possession of truth, the Bush administration refuses
to talk to the enemies it has manufactured. It will only fight them.
When scholars, such as John
Walt and Stephen Mearsheimer, or President
Jimmy Carter, who has tried harder
than anyone else to achieve Arab-Israeli peace, point out that Israel’s
mistreatment of Palestinians is a cause of Middle East turmoil,
they are immediately denounced as anti-Semites. Columnists and academics
who know nothing about the Middle East or its troubles nevertheless
know what they are supposed to say whenever anyone mentions Israel
in any critical context. And they have no compunction about saying
it, the truth be damned.
Without commitment to truth, science, justice, and debate falter
and disappear.
The belief in truth is fading from our society. It is unclear that
scientists themselves any longer believe in truth or the ability
to discover it.
The discovery of truth is no longer the purpose of our criminal
justice system. Once prosecutors believed that it was better for
ten guilty men to go free than for one innocent person to be wrongfully
convicted. Today prosecutors believe in high conviction rates to
justify their budgets and re-election.
In the past police solved crimes. Today they round up suspects
and pressure them.
There was no debate in Nazi Germany and Stalinist Russia, and none
today in the US. Many Americans, who imagine themselves to be conservatives
even though they have never read, nor could they identify, a conservative
writer, equate truth-telling with hatred of America. They are of
Bush’s mindset: "you are with us or against us." Bush
supporters respond to factual articles about Iraq and the rending
of the US Constitution by suggesting that as the writer hates America
so much, he should move to Cuba or China.
In America today each faction’s "truths" are defined
by the faction’s dogma or ideology. Each faction bans factual analysis
that it doesn’t want to hear. This is as true within the universities
as it is at political rallies. The old liberal notion that "we
shall follow the truth wherever it may lead" has long departed
from America. Think tanks reflect the views of the donors. Studies
are no longer independent of their financing. In America, truth
has become partisan.
All societies have elements of myth, untruths that nevertheless
serve to unite a people. But many myths serve as camouflage for
evil. One of the greatest myths is that "GIs have died for
our freedom." GIs have died for American empire, for the American
elite’s commitment to England, and for the military-industrial complex’s
profits. Some may have died in Korea for the freedom of South Koreans,
and some may have died trying to save South Vietnamese from the
North Vietnamese communists. But it is hogwash that GIs died for
our freedom.
There was no prospect of North Korea attacking America in the 1950s
or Vietnam attacking America in the 1960s and none today. The Nazis
were defeated by Russia before US troops landed in Europe. The US
never faced any threat of invasion from Germany, Italy, or Japan.
America’s wars have created hysteria that endangers our freedom.
Abraham Lincoln shut down the freedom of the press and arrested
editors and state legislators. Woodrow Wilson arrested war critics.
Franklin Roosevelt interred American citizens of Japanese descent.
George W. Bush has destroyed most of the Bill of Rights. In 2006
Congress appropriated funds for building concentration camps in
the US.
Recently, Newt Gingrich,
the former Speaker of the House, said that freedom of speech
is inconsistent with "the war on terror." If it takes
a police state to fight terror, the country is lost even if Muslim
terrorists are defeated. Americans have far more to fear from a
homeland police state than from terrorists.
The vast majority of the world’s terrorists are the recent creations
of Bush’s invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq and of Israel’s invasion
of Lebanon and brutality toward the Palestinians. Bush is simultaneously
creating terrorists and a police state. It serves no one but the
police to make their power unaccountable.
On December 26 Jeff
Cohen explained on Truthout how war propaganda took over TV
news and demonized everyone who spoke the truth about Iraq, while
pushing war fever to a frenzy. Fox "News" was the worst
with its ranks of generals and colonels who sold their integrity
for dollars and TV exposure. One of Fox’s loudest voices for war
was a retired general who sat on the board of a military contractor.
When
the Clinton administration allowed the media concentration in the
1990s, the independence of the American media was destroyed. Today
there are a few large conglomerates whose values depend on broadcast
licenses from the government. The conglomerates are run by corporate
executives who are not journalists and whose eyes are on advertising
revenues. They publish and broadcast what is safe. These conglomerates
will take no risks in behalf of free speech or truth.
The
challenges that America faces are not terrorism and oil supply.
The challenges that we face are the police state that Bush has created
and the disrespect for truth that is endemic in government, the
universities, and the media. The US has entered a dark age of dogmas
and unaccountable power.
December
29, 2006
Paul
Craig Roberts [send
him mail] wrote the Kemp-Roth bill and was Assistant Secretary
of the Treasury in the Reagan administration. He was Associate Editor
of the Wall
Street Journal
editorial page and Contributing Editor of National
Review. He
is author or coauthor of eight books, including The
Supply-Side Revolution
(Harvard University Press). He has held numerous academic appointments,
including the William E. Simon Chair in Political Economy, Center
for Strategic and International Studies, Georgetown University and
Senior Research Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University.
He has contributed to numerous scholar journals and testified before
Congress on 30 occasions. He has been awarded the U.S. Treasury's
Meritorious Service Award and the French Legion of Honor. He was
a reviewer for the Journal
of Political Economy
under editor Robert Mundell. He
is the co-author of The
Tyranny of Good Intentions.
He is also coauthor with Karen Araujo of Chile: Dos Visiones
– La Era Allende-Pinochet (Santiago: Universidad Andres Bello,
2000).
Copyright
© 2006 Creators Syndicate
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