The United States government went to war on the Korean peninsula, in Vietnam and, on a much smaller scale, in Cuba, ostensibly to overthrow communist tyranny and establish representative democracies which would honor basic human rights. To this day, despite the fall of the Soviet Union, despite the end of communism in Eastern Europe, and despite the general liberalization of almost all of the above mentioned communist states, North Korea, Vietnam, and Cuba remain formally communist, having essentially won wars against the United States either by reaching a stalemate (North Korea), surviving (Cuba), or actually winning a conventional war (Vietnam). Meanwhile, those states which were communist, but never engaged in warfare with the United States and – to be very precise – were never invaded, bombed and occupied by the United States, managed to throw off communism without any mass warfare or mass violence.
The lesson is clear, and it is clearly not the lesson purported by the fantastic myth that American military might and perseverance ended the Cold War. In fact, if anything, the greatest American contribution to bringing down communism was the might of American ideals of individual freedom and limited government, and the perseverance of a civil, peaceful society in the United States which served as an inspiration to millions behind the Iron Curtain. This inspiration would no doubt have succumbed to disillusionment, had Poland, then Czechoslovakia, Hungary and the Soviet Union experienced the other side of America: carpet bombing, atomic bombing, occupation.
In Poland, communism was brought to an end peacefully. The government recognized that millions of people were starving and that central planning was incapable of satisfying their basic needs and ambitions. The opposition, guided by the spiritual teachings of Pope John Paul II and the Catholic Church, opted for protests, strikes, demonstrations – in short: peaceful civil disobedience and open dialog with the communist government. This process was not, of course, without its’ tragic, violent moments. Yet even when the communists imposed martial law and began rounding up dissidents, there was no mass call to violent revolution. When communist tanks shot at protesting workers; there were no mass calls to violent revolution. When communists murdered a well-known Priest whose sermons and life inspired anti-communist resistance, there was no mass call to violent revolution. Instead, the opposition movement, although often divided in terms of particular goals and tactics, was always united on one extremely important point: it was a non-violent movement.
Ultimately, negotiation, dialog and – above all – political moderation on all sides, brought about the famed "Round Table" negotiations between the communist government and the opposition. These negotiations led directly to the first free democratic elections since long before the second World War, and, ultimately, to the end of communism in Poland.
Today, nineteen years after the end of communism in Poland, historians and critics engage in heated debates and arguments regarding those times. Blame is heaped on members of the communist government and on the Solidarity opposition for a number of blunders and indiscretions, for often collaborating with Soviet authorities, for lying, for plundering, for stealing, and for a host of other reasons. This wave of critical revisionism is, of course, all a by-product of the onset of the very free society that people dreamed of living in nineteen years ago. A society where the police would not come to arrest you for speaking your mind. A society which openly accepts that there is no such thing as a homogeneous understanding of human history.
Yet no one seems to notice the one, striking and dangerous difference between the recent past and the present: namely that the idea of non-violent political action, an idea adhered to by almost all parties during the contentions against communism, is now adhered to by no one. After the terrorist attacks on 9/11, Poland immediately put its’ armed forces to the disposal of the United States, and since then has actively participated in the war on Iraq and Afghanistan. This, despite the fact that Pope John Paul II, still alive prior to the onset of the Iraq war, spoke openly against the war and made it clear that international problems ought not and cannot be solved by a resort to organized mass violence.
John Paul II’s message of peace fell on deaf ears in Poland. One might find this shocking to learn, but such was the case. Why? The answer reveals a hideous truth about Polish national psychology. Of course, when speaking of something as abstract as "national psychology" or "the character of a nation," it must be remembered that we are speaking in generalities verging on stereotypes; that there is no such thing in fact as a "national psychology," because a "nation" is a mere historical construct; like "ethnicity" itself. Nevertheless, it is often useful to engage the archetype of a "national psychology" to explain certain tendencies in popular thought and action; that is to say – in politics. What, then, is it, about Polish national psychology that would cause the entire people to be inspired by Pope John Paul II and guard against any type of violence in their domestic struggle with communism, but which causes this same people to ignore that very same Pope and pledge their support and armed forces to a war in Iraq and Afghanistan – even long after it has been revealed that the causus belli for war in both of those countries was a lie?
The sad answer is, alas, simple: nationalism. Nationalism dictated that Poles; all Poles; even if they were members of the communist secret police, even if they were driving the tanks that were trying to run over protesting dock workers, even if they were collaborating with Moscow were still – at the end of the day – Poles. Suddenly, the innocent words of Lech Walesa, who once noted that he made every effort to calm the workers he was leading so that "Poles would not be lifting arms against other Poles" take on an ominous tone. Pope John Paul II advocated non-violence primarily because he believed in the universality of the right to life of all human beings; and violence against human beings is the ultimate contradiction of this right to life. Yet in practice, in Poland, it seems that Polish nationalism made it easier for Poles to accept the Pope’s teaching with regard to their fellow Poles, but completely disregard it with regard to foreigners, and hence, foreign policy. This is also probably why Pope Benedict XVI’s pacifism is ignored: after all, Benedict is a German.
While there is no justification for this line of thinking, there is, of course, an explanation for it: Polish national mythology is highly nationalistic and focused on the notion of Poland as a nation of virtuous people, constantly wronged by history; constantly being invaded and conquered by others. This national mythology is taught from (government controlled) primary school onwards. I recall a wonderful example from my seventh grade music class, where we sang patriotic songs, with lyrics about how "No Germans will ever spit in our face" and "no Russians will ever" – do something bad, I can’t really recall what. When I pointed out to my teacher that the song was racist because it purported to assign collective blame to all Germans and Russians for historical wrongdoing of particular governments, I was told to shut up. Of course, being ethnically impure, I should have realized that the best course of action for me was suicide: after all, I am Polish, German, (Soviet) Georgian and American. I ought to hate myself for everything I’ve done to myself over the course of history.
Of course, as Pat Buchanan rightly points out in his recent book reassessing Churchill, Poland, before World War II, was ruled by a military junta which came to power after a bloody (albeit short) civil war, wherein "patriotic" Poles seized power, suspended the constitution, wrote a new, national-socialist constitution, and then consolidated all authority in Marshal Pilsudzki, who, other than the fact that he had a larger mustache than Hitler, was really no different in either appearance, or political philosophy. This same said Poland was more than happy to attempt to carve out a piece of Czechoslovakia when Nazi Germany invaded the country in 1938, only to then cry "foul" when they themselves were invaded by the Germans and Soviets in 1939.
But such assessments, if ever they were made by Polish politicians, historians or commentators, would get them labeled a Nazi sympathizer, or worse. In Poland, Marshal Pilsudzki is to this day a national hero; and, in an ironic and tragic twist of fate, Poland’s independence day is the exact same day that the West mourns the Death of Western Civilization: Armistice Day. November 11, 1918, saw the final end to the senseless carnage of World War I, which laid waste to Europe, which paved the way for an even bloodier World War II, which was bemoaned by poets like T.S. Eliot, as a marker of the depravity to which the West had sunk. This same day is celebrated in Poland. It is a happy day. No one in Poland takes even a moment to consider the millions murdered in senseless trench warfare, the introduction of ever more horrific weapons of war like Mustard Gas, the mass slaughter and hysterical stupidity which drew millions of men to their death for absolutely nothing.
All of these frightful consequences of the First World War are wholly ignored in Poland: because Poland was the greatest beneficiary of the suicide of the West during World War I: Poland was granted status as an independent state at Versailles. This, according to Polish national mythology, is all that matters. The rest – the whole "horrors of World War I" business – is an afterthought. Marshal Pilsudzki, of course, was the brave founding father who secured Polish national independence at Versailles, and thus, despite later also securing dictatorial power, curtailing democratic elections and presiding over the creation of a national-socialist Polish state – he gets a statue and a free pass. He was, after all, Polish – and being Polish absolves you of all sin.
Being Iraqi or Afghani on the other hand – this makes you beneath notice. Thus Polish soldiers, clearly demonstrating that they can match any atrocity the United States Army can commit, have bravely gunned down women and children in the Afghani village of Kandahar. Poles, so righteously resentful of their victimization at the hands of history, of the idea that "great powers" often ignored the will of Poland and decided to carve up the country in accordance with expedience, now seem to relish their chance to avenge themselves by being a party to the invasion and destruction of two foreign countries. Finally, Poles are becoming respected members of the European community by getting a chance to engage in and profit from colonialism and military adventurism. As Poland’s Minister of Defense recently noted, on balance, Poland has "made a lot of money" by helping invade and conquer Iraq.
Yes, that’s right. That is the depravity to which the people that produced someone like John Paul II have sunk. The Polish government openly and casually insists that the Iraq war has been a great boon; a cash cow, all about the profits. This, in their mind, justifies the war. They make no pretense, as the Americans do, of pretending that the point of the war is the installation of democracy and the securing of the rights and freedoms of the Iraqis, nor do they ceaselessly seek out connections between Saadam and Al Queda. The representatives of the government of Poland, a country often ravaged for plunder and profit by others, now casually speak about how much the Treasury is gaining from the plundering of Iraq and Afghanistan. Polish soldiers, on the other hand, see the war as a great, albeit risky, opportunity to make some quick cash.
With this in mind, we turn to the matter of the new Russian-Georgian war. Naturally, Poland has taken the side of Georgia. However, while the Americans are careful to bemoan an "excessive" Russian response to Georgia’s invasion of South Ossetia; and thereby placate Russia while calling for a general cessation of hostilities and insisting on respecting Georgian territorial integrity. Poland has literally taken the side of Georgia. The difference here is key: the Polish government seems to simply not wish to take into account the remote possibility that some people in South Ossetia don’t want to be ruled by Georgia and would rather be independent and make their own alliances – even possibly with Russia. The Polish government also refuses to treat this, or any other matter of global politics, as a purely theoretical affair. When you combine this fact with the imminent installation of a Missile Defense Shield in Poland, and with the continual arming and expansion of the Polish military, it becomes clear that Polish foreign policy can be summed up with a new battle cry of my own creation: "Oh me! Me! Shoot me!"
"Oh me! Me! Shoot me!" foreign policy, as pioneered by recent Polish governments and continued today, can be summed up as adhering to the following basic tenants:
- Where there is war, there is always good and evil, and Poland must consistently be on the side of good.
- The notion that war itself is evil is mere moral relativism.
- War is, of course, profitable, and only the good side profits, and rightly so!
- Poland must necessarily take part in any and all armed conflicts, whereever they may be held.
- Secretly hope that in response to running round the world engaging in armed conflicts, Poland itself is finally invaded again, allowing you and your generation the chance to patriotically defend the homeland!
In short, it is a foreign policy that is not only inconsistent with freedom and peace, but wholly, ideologically, masochistically even, opposed to the notion of peaceful coexistence. For instance, I am sure that today, numerous Swiss scholars are debating who is in the right: Georgia or Russia? I am equally sure that all sides of this debate, while perhaps differing in their assessment of the war, agree that Switzerland should have no part in it. Poland, in accordance with its’ national mythology, should have a part in everything.
As numerous commentators have pointed out, the idea of the United States risking the nuclear annihilation of its people over the military adventurism of the Georgian President is preposterous; but it is exactly what a series of entangling global alliances leads to. It is ironic that Polish politicians criticize the response of Germany, France and England to the Georgian-Russian war as exceedingly slow. After all, the last time the major powers of Europe responded swiftly to a small war was in 1914, when the little Balkan states, warring senselessly over ethnicity, pulled in their larger Allies; and Europe suddenly found itself spilling vast amounts of blood over the petty feuding of Serbs, Croats and Bosnians. Perhaps then, in retrospect, it is good that European countries no longer treat their military obligations so literally. Perhaps it is good that rather than rush to war, they first ask perplexing questions and request a cease fire when it does not become immediately apparent that Martians have landed and are using death rays to roast babies, rather than that inherently imperfect men have blundered into a pointless military conflict.
Poland does not want to fathom this type of thinking, because it presumes the opposite of Polish national mythology: it presumes that even a self-governing people are prone to acts of tyranny and aggression, it presumes that racial attributes alone do not a virtuous nation make, it presumes that ultimately government itself; not only occupation government, but even "self-government" is a systematic problem; a cauldron of iniquity and injustice that must constantly be held in check by a vigilant people.
Above all, Poland cannot think this way because Poland is only now beginning to experience the cultural revolution that the West made its way through in the 60s and 70s. For the first time in centuries, Poles have their own government and their own free and independent country. It is little wonder then that they cannot yet imagine the depraved lengths to which their own government can go in lying to them, stealing from them, and sacrificing their children on the alter of pathological ambitions. Poles cannot conceive of repeating after Jefferson "I love my country, but fear my government." Not yet at least.
But slowly, as CIA torture prisons in Poland, Polish military atrocities against civilians in Afghanistan, and the constant stream of domestic political scandals that are the norm in any democracy erode public faith in the government, Polish national psychology will change: the mythology of a pure and virtuous Poland that has always been wronged and itself can do no wrong, will give way to the reality of petty politicians trying to make careers at the expense of the peace and prosperity of the people. Either that, or it will give way to the raw nationalism and amoral chauvinism that has always been just beneath the surface in Poland: the resentment that cursed Russia and Germany not for barbarically conquering others, but for having the audacity to not be conquered by Poland.
None of this is to say that the Russians were right in instigating war on Georgia, even if in defense of South Ossetia. None of it is to say that Baathist Iraq was a model community. None of it is to say that the Taliban were wonderful people. But let us not forget that Georgia was the aggressor which shattered a fragile, imperfect peace, that Saadam Hussein committed his atrocities with help from the United States, that the Taliban were guests of honor in George W Bush’s Texas so long as they were open to doing business with American oil companies. In short: let us not forget that in politics, there is no such thing as the "good government" of one country as opposed to the "bad government" of another, because all government, by nature, is raw force – a fire to be contained, tamed by people of good will.
If anything, Poland would do well to look to Switzerland – a European country surrounded by historically aggressive and hostile states, which has opted for neutrality, trade and peaceful relations with all. But in order to do this, Poles must first shed their pathological nationalistic psychology lest they once again find themselves participants in a war that only ends in their own ruin.
August 21, 2008
