In
a recent article, Tracy Saboe described his run-in as a Wal-Mart
check-out clerk with a welfare bum a college student on
food stamps followed by a dressing down by his supervisor.
His supervisor warned him that it was not his role to give libertarian
lectures to customers. His supervisor was correct. He quit, which
was also correct.
The free
market is a magnificent social institution. It rests on one fundamental
principle: the legal immunity of owners from negative sanctions
by the civil government in the use of their property, except in
cases of. . . . (Here, the debates begin.) A corollary follows:
the right of contract.
As a sovereign
owner, the would-be buyer makes a bid for another person’s property.
He offers to give up something of his in order to gain something
of the other person’s. The recipient of the bid retains the legal
authority to refuse the offer.
Because money
is the most marketable commodity, the owner of money (conventionally
called the buyer) has the upper hand. He can buy almost anything
with money. There are a myriad of sellers of goods and services
anxious to relieve him of his money. This is because they own
less marketable commodities to offer in exchange. So, we speak
of consumer sovereignty, another way of saying "money talks."
Consumers
want to buy on their terms. Sellers want to sell on their terms.
But consumers, possessing money, have the stronger position. So,
sellers of items with less marketability are rewarded by sellers
of money when they to sell on terms that please sellers of money.
Among these terms is this: "Keep your negative opinions of
how I got this money to yourself."
THE
ASSUMPTION OF LEGALITY
When a seller
of money buys an item, the seller of the item is supposed to assume
that the seller of money is a lawful owner of that money. If this
were not the case, then the police could arrest the recipient
of stolen money as a recipient of stolen goods. The retailer will
be treated as an accomplice in a crime.
I am not
exaggerating the threat. This is now being done to non-profit
organizations in the United States. I used to contribute to a
Christian missionary organization. At one point, it had accepted
a large donation from a person who was later convicted of embezzling.
The victims sued all of the ministries that had received his money.
A court convicted them. The director of the missionary agency
was ordered to repay the money out of its funds. The organization
had already sent the money to missionaries. It had to declare
bankruptcy. The director soon suffered a stroke and died.
Don’t kid
yourself. If victims of crime can use the courts to deliver a
cheaper way to get their hands on stolen money, by going after
innocent recipients of that money, then sellers of goods and services
will face another risk factor. The trial lawyers will find other
hosts for their parasitic activities. Then the State will follow
their lead. Another plague of locusts with badges will descend
on businessmen.
So, unless
there is extremely good evidence that the retail recipient of
money knew that it had been obtained illegally, there should be
no question judicially that the recipient is innocent. The law
should recognize the fact that information costs are high for
the retail recipient. The courts must not convict retail establishments
for not somehow having identified the money as having been stolen.
But if this
is true, then the consumer has a perfect right to stop shopping
at any establishment that implies that he, as a seller of money,
has done anything wrong. This includes food stamp recipients.
Mr. Saboe,
as a legal agent of Wal-Mart, told a customer that the customer
was in receipt of stolen goods. The customer was using food stamps.
The problem is, this accusation, while no doubt true morally,
was not true legally. The courts uphold the State’s legislation,
not morality. The legally sovereign voters, not the courts, have
the responsibility in a democracy to see to it that the moral
law is consistent with legislation. In our day, there is a widening
gulf between the law of God and the legislation of the State.
The American
consumer, in his legal capacity as sovereign voter, elects politicians
who promise to act as the agents of the voter in the voter’s quest
to get his hands into his neighbor’s wallet. The primary moral
problem is not the food stamp user. The primary moral problem
is this: voters have decided that food stamps are a valid way
to help the poor, especially the otherwise poverty-stricken agribusinesses
that benefit most from the program.
LET
THE RETAILER BEWARE
The retailer
faces a sovereign consumer sovereign because he possesses the
most marketable commodity: money. Food stamps are fiduciary instruments.
They can be converted into money at such low transaction costs
that they constitute money for Wal-Mart. Wal-Mart, like most other
food stores, has decided to treat food stamps as money.
The moment
that an employee accepts a position as Wal-Mart’s legal agent,
this employee becomes subordinate to Wal-Mart’s rules. One of
the rules is this: "The customer is always right." Wal-Mart
has made this an unbreakable rule in order to secure its dominant
position in the market. It offers money-back guarantees, no questions
asked.
Mr. Saboe
violated the terms of his implied contract repeatedly. He did
not fully understand either the free market or civil law. He did
not understand the fundamental principle of sales: "The customer
is sovereign." From the moment Wal-Mart accepted food stamps as
money, company policy defined a seller of food stamps as no different
from a seller of money. From that moment on, the seller of food
stamps was supposed to be treated as well as a seller of money.
Mr. Saboe violated this principle.
EVERY
EMPLOYEE IS A WHORE IN A HOUSE OF ILL REPUTE
The piano
player in a house of ill repute may regard himself as better than
the ladies who ply their trade, but he forgets the obvious: the
patrons did not come to hear him play. When it comers to tickling,
the ivories are not their primary interest.
The insidious
fact of the welfare State is that as it spreads its stolen largess
to the general public, it makes almost everyone the recipient
of stolen goods. The welfare State is a perversion that seduces
monetary virgins. It says, "Take the money from your customer.
His money is as good as anyone else’s." Economically, the
argument is correct. Consumers rarely pay businessmen to be ideologically
pure. They pay him to deliver the goods. Profit-seeking businessmen
do this with consummate efficiency.
As the welfare
State extends into every nook and cranny of society, it corrupts
everyone. "My percentage of the booty is justified. His percentage
isn’t." We use Federal Reserve notes, deposit out money in
FDIC-insured banks, mail our bills and checks through the U.S.
Postal Service, and enjoy our subsidized electrical energy prices,
at least until there is a huge black-out.
The teenager’s
cry, "Everybody’s doing it," becomes ever-more true
as the welfare State extends its subsidies. More people seek subsidies.
"Everybody’s doing it." More food stores accept food
stamps. "Everybody’s doing it."
The welfare
State has built its moral and judicial foundations on the punch
line of an old joke: "We have already established what you
are. We’re only haggling over the price."
All of us,
short of legal hermits on privately owned land, are involved in
this haggling process.
THE
CONTINUAL TRADE-OFF
As consumers,
we should not expect sellers to honor any principles except the
quest for profit and obedience to the law. To ask them to do anything
else is to ask them to become moral arbitrators. It is to ask
them to make "socially beneficial" decisions regarding
how to spend their money, including whose money to receive. They
are rarely highly efficient moral arbitrators. The buying public
does not pay them to develop or implement these skills.
Conservatives
get upset when the ecological fanatics pressure McDonald’s to
get rid of biodegradable containers that are convenient for McDonald’s
customers. But these same critics may pressure one or another
retailer to stop donating to Planned Parenthood.
It is the
task of sellers of money to choose their sellers of goods according
to their standards. They must trade off efficiency with morality.
Likewise, it is the task of sellers of products and services to
do the same: trade off profit maximization with morality. Each
participant in the transaction makes his own choice regarding
the acceptable mix of efficiency and morality. Each person searches
for co-participants who share his views.
CONCLUSION
Mr. Saboe
has learned an elementary lesson: "To be in self-conscious
receipt of stolen goods can be morally debilitating." He
has at last quit his job at Wal-Mart. He should have quit much
earlier: as soon as he realized that he could not remain silent
to other customers regarding the moral infractions
of food stamp users. He needed a lesson from his supervisor regarding
the structure of economic cause and effect at Wal-Mart.
Similarly,
when that piano player finally realizes the structure of economic
cause and effect for his income stream, he should immediately
start looking for another source of employment. The madam should
not have to explain the economic birds and bees to him.
The problem
is, Mr. Saboe may soon discover that every job he seeks is, to
one degree or other, in bondage to the State’s well-oiled system.
The welfare State is also the regulatory State. It seeks for itself
what the free market grants to owners of money: economic sovereignty.
Judicial sovereignty is not sufficient for the advocates and agents
of the welfare State.
I once had
a man ask me to take him in as a lifetime indentured servant.
All I had to do, he said, was to handle all of the monetary transactions.
He could no longer face the personal burden of moral perversion
that he regarded as inescapable by using the fractional reserve
banking system. I decided that I could not expect reliable lifetime
economic services from a man whose moral sensibilities extended
to every monetary transaction not conducted in gold or silver.
To change
a system, you must be in the system unless you intend to wage
war on the system from outside. This is always the moral and strategic
dilemma of the reformer. It is an especially burdensome dilemma
for the libertarian, who renounces the use of war.