Fair-Weather
Friends of the Market
by
Robert Higgs
by Robert Higgs
DIGG THIS
It’s hardly
a news flash that many people who are widely regarded as lions of
the pro-market side have gone over to the dark side in recent months.
I am not going to name any names; if you are one of the guilty parties,
you know who you are; and the rest of us know, too, owing to your
public expressions of anti-market sentiment in newspapers and on
the World Wide Web. Why have so many notable economists and others
jumped ship?
Many, it appears,
have simply panicked. Starting late last summer, the financial markets
began to exhibit tremendous volatility, officials at the Fed and
the Treasury began to act as if imminent disaster loomed, and media
commentators and reporters completely lost their composure. Even
people who should have known better began to talk and to act as
if the economy stood on the brink of complete collapse unless the
government took unprecedented actions immediately. When one extraordinary
action failed to calm the waters at once, another extraordinary
action was taken, then another, and another.
We now look
back on four months littered with ad hoc bailouts, new regulations,
institutional takeovers, a gigantic bail-out statute, massive lending,
asset exchanges, and loan guarantees never before made by the Fed
and the Treasury – all on a scale that no one foresaw six months
ago. We might understand that the big bankers and other financial
masters of the universe who had got themselves and their mega-institutions
into such deep trouble would have worked hard to create a sense
of crisis and to exploit it as a pretext for cushioning their slide
from the financial pinnacles – peaks so high that the air is thin
and the brain does not function effectively, so that even such workaday
necessities as due diligence are overlooked. Blessed with friends
in high places, these financial titans snatched loot by the hundreds
of billions while the snatching was good.
But why have
free-market economists and other commentators expressed approval
of this blatant piracy? It now appears, I am saddened to report,
that these free-market experts were not so expert after all. Indeed,
many of them seem to have failed to understand how markets work
and how government actions can hobble or kill those workings. Many
have talked as if they actually believe in vulgar Keynesianism or
other crackpot ideas – about "systemic risk" where none
exists or about "missing markets" for poor-quality assets
that only a fool would try to sell privately when the alternative
of a munificent government buyout shimmers on the horizon.
Despite the
evidence of how counterproductive all of these frantic government
actions have been, of how they have served above all to produce
"regime
uncertainty" about what the rules will be tomorrow or the
next day, and thereby to paralyze private arrangements, the market’s
fair weather friends are now clamoring for various species of government
"stimulus" as soon as the Obama regime takes power. Of
course, the Obamistas’ motives are purely political, as befits a
pack of office holders and their lackeys, so it is pointless to
indict them – a rattlesnake is not to be blamed if it strikes, because
its nature impels it to do so. But why are well-known free-market
economists going along with this nonsense?
Back in my
days as a professor, I always endeavored early in the course to
teach my students the fundamental importance not only of the first
laws of demand and supply, but also of the second laws of demand
and supply. Thus, the first law of supply states that the greater
the price, the greater is the quantity supplied per unit of time,
other things being equal. And the second law of supply states that
the own-price elasticity of supply is greater, the greater is the
time allowed for response to a change in price. The first and second
laws of demand are expressed similarly, mutatis mutandis.
Thus, although we can expect markets to respond to price changes,
we must recognize that the responses take time; and the greater
the time, the greater are the responses. Anyone who expects markets
to restore a disturbed equilibrium instantaneously will be disappointed.
People cannot discover the relevant changes, confirm and assess
them, consider alternative arrangements of their affairs, and carry
out those changes in an instant. The competent economist appreciates
the necessity of patience in evaluating the market’s operation.
Simply because the market does not appear to have reconfigured itself
fully soon after a shock, we have no warrant to conclude that "the
market doesn’t work anymore" or that "the market doesn’t
work the way it used to." Such statements manifest an economic
crackpot, and economists who talk this way discredit their professional
competence.
A clever riposte,
of course, is the one that Keynes himself famously made in response
to criticism of inconstancy in his views: "When the facts change,
I change my mind. What do you do, sir?" Glibness, however,
is a poor substitute for good sense, and Keynes’s critics were right
to call him to account for his frequent shifts with the winds of
events and intellectual fads. Nothing that has happened recently
invalidates in the slightest the solid corpus of sound economic
understanding. Indeed, such understanding allows us to comprehend
how a variety of government policies created the incentives that,
by various paths,
led to the current difficulties; and such understanding informs
us that piling new, equally foolish polices on top of the ones that
got us into these straits is a recipe for short-term salvation at
best, and for long-term troubles galore, even if the short-term
"stimulus" should appear to have the desired effects.
Decent analysts
know these things; I am not breaking new ground here. So, we can
only shake our heads in wonder when we see well-known free-market
economists and other formerly sound analysts and commentators embracing
unsound and ill-considered positions. Among other things, we must
appreciate that the sky is not falling, even if the news
media and the politicians talk and act as if it is.
Yes, house
prices have fallen substantially, but what did people expect – that
the bubbled-up values achieved between 2001 and 2007 would be sustained
forever or rise even more preposterously? We are witnessing a correction.
If real estate prices have been driven up absurdly by easy
credit, reckless lending, and silly expectations, then real estate
prices must come down substantially. To act as if prevention of
this correction represents the sine qua non of recovery
is to begin one’s journey on the wrong foot. And to suppose that
throwing taxpayer money mindlessly at real-estate-based securities
or at people who cannot afford to make regular mortgage payments
only portends a new and greater collapse of house prices later on.
Of course,
the new New Deal idea of the Obama regime’s "creating jobs"
by bankrolling infrastructure "investments" might as well
come with a written guarantee attached that it will generate nothing
but resource waste and the pork-barrel distribution of vast amounts
of taxpayer money to satisfy the appetites of congressmen, local
politicians, construction unions, and real-estate interests. Even
if a road, a bridge, or a sewer system ultimately comes forth as
a visible result, the unseen alternatives forgone are almost certain
to have greater value for those from whom the grasping hand of the
federal state has stripped the wherewithal to pay for the projects.
Free-market analysts ought to understand such matters, which are
scarcely arcane, and anyone who has watched the government’s responses
to previous recessions, from 1929 to the present, ought to understand
the present situation without remedial instruction from me.
Yes,
unemployment has risen, as it always does during a recession. But
the rate of unemployment last month was only 6.7
percent. During the Great Depression, the unemployment rate
often exceeded 20 percent, and many workers who had jobs in those
days had only part-time employment even when they wanted to work
full-time. So, despite the numerous Chicken Littles running about
excitedly, the present situation does not bear comparison with the
mass unemployment of the 1930s; nor does the ample safety net that
now stretches beneath the unemployed – a refuge that did not exist
in anything like its present setup during that difficult decade.
I do not belittle the problems that involuntary unemployment may
pose for people even now, but it makes no sense for policy makers
to burn the house down because they have discovered that a few rats
have taken up residence in it.
Above
all, policy makers, economists, other analysts, and news media commentators
need to cultivate an understanding of and appreciation for the wisdom
of the aphorism, "don’t just stand there, undo something."
The greatest mistake made in previous occasions of this sort has
been to add new government burdens to the ones that helped to bring
on the troubles in the first place; hence the ratchet
effect in the growth of government. If only we had the wisdom
to recognize a crisis as the most compelling occasion for getting
rid of accumulated government burdens and idiocies, then we
could throw the ratchet effect into reverse, with highly beneficial
long-run consequences, including greater economic liberty and faster
economic growth.
Unfortunately,
many people are now urging exactly the opposite policy, joining
their voices with those of the usual suspects who, like Obama’s
lieutenant Rahm
Emmanuel, seek to exploit the prevailing sense of emergency
to lock new government controls and other burdens onto the economy
in order to gain their political ends and solidify their state powers,
at the expense of our purses and our liberties. I beseech these
former friends of the market: please pause and reflect; do not allow
yourself to be stampeded into support for measures that probably
will not work as advertised even in the short run and will certainly
prove counterproductive and oppressive in the long run. The sky
is not falling; do not act as if it is or lend your support to those
who recognize hard times as the perfect opportunity to realize their
grandiose dreams of social engineering, wealth redistribution, and
central economic planning.
December
27, 2008
Robert
Higgs [send him mail] is
senior fellow in political economy at the Independent
Institute and editor of The
Independent Review. He
is also a columnist for LewRockwell.com. His
most recent book is Neither
Liberty Nor Safety: Fear, Ideology, and the Growth of Government.
He is also the author of Depression,
War, and Cold War: Studies in Political Economy, Resurgence
of the Warfare State: The Crisis Since 9/11 and Against
Leviathan: Government Power and a Free Society.
Copyright
© 2008 Robert Higgs
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