Targeting
Civilians
by
Thomas J. DiLorenzo
One
hundred thirty-six years after General Robert E. Lee surrendered
at Appomattox, Americans are still fascinated with the War for Southern
Independence. The larger bookstores devote an inordinate amount
of shelf space to books about the events and personalities of the
war; Ken Burns’s "Civil War" television series and the
movie "Gettysburg" were blockbuster hits; dozens of new
books on the war are still published every year; and a monthly newspaper,
Civil War News, lists literally hundreds of seminars, conferences,
reenactments, and memorial events related to the war in all 50 states
and the District of Columbia all year long. Indeed, many Northerners
are "still fighting the war" in that they organize a political
mob whenever anyone attempts to display a Confederate heritage symbol
in any public place.
Americans
are still fascinated by the war because many of us recognize it
as the defining event in American history. Lincoln’s war established
myriad precedents that have shaped the course of American government
and society ever since: the centralization of governmental power,
central banking, income taxation, protectionism, military conscription,
the suspension of constitutional liberties, the "rewriting"
of the Constitution by federal judges, "total war," the
quest for a worldwide empire, and the notion that government is
one big "problem solver."
Perhaps
the most hideous precedent established by Lincoln’s war, however,
was the intentional targeting of defenseless civilians. Human beings
did not always engage in such barbaric acts as we have all watched
in horror in recent days. Targeting civilians has been a common
practice ever since World War II, but its roots lie in Lincoln’s
war.
In
1863 there was an international convention in Geneva, Switzerland,
that sought to codify international law with regard to the conduct
of war. What the convention sought to do was to take the principles
of "civilized" warfare that had evolved over the previous
century, and declare them to be a part of international law that
should be obeyed by all civilized societies. Essentially, the convention
concluded that it should be considered to be a war crime, punishable
by imprisonment or death, for armies to attack defenseless citizens
and towns; plunder civilian property; or take from the civilian
population more than what was necessary to feed and sustain an occupying
army.
The
Swiss jurist Emmerich de Vattel (1714-67, author of The
Law of Nations, was the world’s expert on the proper conduct
of war at the time. "The people, the peasants, the citizens,
take no part in it, and generally have nothing to fear from the
sword of the enemy," Vattel wrote. As long as they refrain
from hostilities themselves they "live in as perfect safety
as if they were friends." Occupying soldiers who would destroy
private property should be regard as "savage barbarians."
In
1861 the leading American expert in international law as it relates
to the proper conduct of war was the San Francisco attorney Henry
Halleck, a former army officer and West Point instructor whom Abraham
Lincoln appointed General-in-Chief of the federal armies in July
of 1862. Halleck was the author of the book, International
Law, which was used as a text at West Point and essentially
echoed Vattel’s writing.
On
April 24, 1863, the Lincoln administration seemed to adopt the precepts
of international law as expressed by the Geneva Convention, Vattel,
and Halleck, when it issued General Order No. 100, known as the
"Lieber Code." The Code’s author was the German legal
scholar Francis Leiber, an advisor to Otto von Bismarck and a staunch
advocate of centralized governmental power. In his writings Lieber
denounced the federal system of government created by the American
founding fathers as having created "confederacies of petty
sovereigns" and dismissed the Jeffersonian philosophy of government
as a collection of "obsolete ideas." In Germany he was
arrested several times for subversive activities. He was a perfect
ideological fit with Lincoln’s own political philosophy and was
just the man Lincoln wanted to outline the rules of war for his
administration.
The
Lieber Code paid lip service to the notion that civilians should
not be targeted in war, but it contained a giant loophole: Federal
commanders were permitted to completely ignore the Code if, "in
their discretion," the events of the war would warrant that
they do so. In other words, the Lieber Code was purely propaganda.
The
fact is, the Lincoln government intentionally targeted civilians
from the very beginning of the war. The administration’s battle
plan was known as the "Anaconda Plan" because it sought
to blockade all Southern ports and inland waterways and starving
the Southern civilian economy. Even drugs and medicines were on
the government’s list of items that were to be kept out of the hands
of Southerners, as far as possible.
As
early as the first major battle of the war, the Battle of First
Manassas in July of 1861, federal soldiers were plundering and burning
private homes in the Northern Virginia countryside. Such behavior
quickly became so pervasive that on June 20, 1862 one year into
the war General George McClellan, the commanding general of the
Army of the Potomac, wrote Lincoln a letter imploring him to see
to it that the war was conducted according to "the highest
principles known to Christian civilization" and to avoid targeting
the civilian population to the extent that that was possible. Lincoln
replaced McClellan a few months later and ignored his letter.
Most
Americans are familiar with General William Tecumseh Sherman’s "march
to the sea" in which his army pillaged, plundered, raped, and
murdered civilians as it marched through Georgia in the face of
scant military opposition. But such atrocities had been occurring
for the duration of the war; Sherman’s March was nothing new.
In
1862 Sherman was having difficulty subduing Confederate sharpshooters
who were harassing federal gunboats on the Mississippi River near
Memphis. He then adopted the theory of "collective responsibility"
to "justify" attacking innocent civilians in retaliation
for such attacks. He burned the entire town of Randolph, Tennessee,
to the ground. He also began taking civilian hostages and either
trading them for federal prisoners of war or executing them.
Jackson
and Meridian, Mississippi, were also burned to the ground by Sherman’s
troops even though there was no Confederate army there to oppose
them. After the burnings his soldiers sacked the town, stealing
anything of value and destroying the rest. As Sherman biographer
John Marzalek writes, his soldiers "entered residences, appropriating
whatever appeared to be of value . . . those articles which they
could not carry they broke."
After
the destruction of Meridian Sherman boasted that "for five
days, ten thousand of our men worked hard and with a will, in that
work of destruction, with axes, sledges, crowbars, clawbars, and
with fire.... Meridian no longer exists."
In
The
Hard Hand of War historian Mark Grimsley argues that Sherman
has been unfairly criticized as the "father" of waging
war on civilians because he "pursued a policy quite in keeping
with that of other Union commanders from Missouri to Virginia."
Fair enough. Why blame just Sherman when such practices were an
essential part of Lincoln’s entire war plan and were routinely practiced
by all federal commanders? Sherman was just the most zealous of
all federal commanders in targeting Southern civilians, which is
apparently why he became one of Lincoln’s favorite generals.
In
his First Inaugural Address Jefferson said that any secessionists
should be allowed to "stand undisturbed as monuments of the
safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason
is left free to combat it." But by 1864 Sherman would announce
that "to the petulant and persistent secessionists, why, death
is mercy." In 1862 Sherman wrote his wife that his purpose
in the war would be "extermination, not of soldiers alone,
that is the least of the trouble, but the people" of the South.
His loving and gentle wife wrote back that her wish was for "a
war of extermination and that all [Southerners] would be driven
like swine into the sea. May we carry fire and sword into their
states till not one habitation is left standing."
The
Geneva Convention of 1863 condemned the bombardment of cities occupied
by civilians, but Lincoln ignored all such restrictions on his behavior.
The bombardment of Atlanta destroyed 90 percent of the city, after
which the remaining civilian residents were forced to depopulate
the city just as winter was approaching and the Georgia countryside
had been stripped of food by the federal army. In his memoirs Sherman
boasted that his army destroyed more than $100 million in private
property and carried home $20 million more during his "march
to the sea."
Sherman
was not above randomly executing innocent civilians as part of his
(and Lincoln’s) terror campaign. In October of 1864 he ordered a
subordinate, General Louis Watkins, to go to Fairmount, Georgia,
"burn ten or twelve houses" and "kill a few at random,"
and "let them know that it will be repeated every time a train
is fired upon."
Another
Sherman biographer, Lee Kennett, found that in Sherman’s army "the
New York regiments were . . . filled with big city criminals and
foreigners fresh from the jails of the Old World." Although
it is rarely mentioned by "mainstream" historians, many
acts of rape were committed by these federal soldiers. The University
of South Carolina’s library contains a large collection of thousands
diaries and letters of Southern women that mention these unspeakable
atrocities.
Shermans’
band of criminal looters (known as "bummers") sacked the
slave cabins as well as the plantation houses. As Grimsley describes
it, "With the utter disregard for blacks that was the norm
among Union troops, the soldiers ransacked the slave cabins, taking
whatever they liked." A routine procedure would be to hang
a slave by his neck until he told federal soldiers where the plantation
owners’ valuables were hidden.
General
Philip Sheridan is another celebrated "war hero" who followed
in Sherman’s footsteps in attacking defenseless civilians. After
the Confederate army had finally evacuated the Shenandoah Valley
in the autumn of 1864 Sheridan’s 35,000 infantry troops essentially
burned the entire valley to the ground. As Sheridan described it
in a letter to General Grant, in the first few days he "destroyed
over 2200 barns . . . over 70 mills . . . have driven in front of
the army over 4000 head of stock, and have killed . . . not less
than 3000 sheep. . . . Tomorrow I will continue the destruction."
In
letters home Sheridan’s troops described themselves as "barn
burners" and "destroyers of homes." One soldier wrote
home that he had personally set 60 private homes on fire and opined
that "it was a hard looking sight to see the women and children
turned out of doors at this season of the year." A Sergeant
William T. Patterson wrote that "the whole country around is
wrapped in flames, the heavens are aglow with the light thereof
. . . such mourning, such lamentations, such crying and pleading
for mercy [by defenseless women]... I never saw or want to see again."
As
horrific as the burning of the Shenandoah Valley was, Grimsley concluded
that it was actually "one of the more controlled acts of destruction
during the war’s final year." After it was all over Lincoln
personally conveyed to Sheridan "the thanks of the Nation."
Sherman
biographer Lee Kennett is among the historians who bend over backwards
to downplay the horrors of how Lincoln waged war on civilians. Just
recently, he published an article in the Atlanta Constitution
arguing that Sherman wasn’t such a bad guy after all and should
not be reviled by Georgians as much as he is. But even Kennett admitted
in his biography of Sherman that:
Had
the Confederates somehow won, had their victory put them in position
to bring their chief opponents before some sort of tribunal, they
would have found themselves justified...in stringing up President
Lincoln and the entire Union high command for violations of the
laws of war, specifically for waging war against noncombatants.
Sherman
himself admitted after the war that he was taught at West Point
that he could be hanged for the things he did. But in war the victors
always write the history and are never punished for war crimes,
no matter how heinous. Only the defeated suffer that fate. That
is why very few Americans are aware of the fact that the unspeakable
atrocities of war committed against civilians, from the firebombing
of Dresden, the rape of Nanking, Hiroshima and Nagasaki, to the
World Trade Center bombings, had their origins in Lincoln’s war.
This is yet another reason why Americans will continue their fascination
with the War for Southern Independence.
September
17, 2001
Thomas
J. DiLorenzo [send him mail]
is professor of economics at Loyola College in Maryland. His book,
The
Real Lincoln: A New Look at Abraham Lincoln, His Agenda, and an
Unnecessary War, will be published next March.
Copyright
2001 LewRockwell.com
Thomas
DiLorenzo Archives
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