After
the War to Prevent Southern Independence and the assassination
of Lincoln the federal government was said to possess a "treasury
of virtue." The Republican Party, which was the federal
government, with a decades-long monopoly of power rivaled only
by the Bolsheviks in Russia, made sure that the government-run
schools would preach this Virtuous State Philosophy to generations
of school children.
And
what did the Party of Virtue do with its "treasure"?
A first order of business was to commence a campaign of ethnic
genocide against the Plains Indians. Initiated just three months
after the end of the war, and with Generals Grant, Sherman and
Sheridan in charge, all of the Plains Indians – women and children
included – would be either murdered or imprisoned on government
reservations ("where they can be watched," said Sherman)
by 1890. The Party of Virtue even cynically recruited ex-slaves
(the "Buffalo Soldiers") to assist in its campaign of
genocide against another colored race.
The
Party of Virtue also broke up the union, which it had supposedly
just "saved," by disenfranchising all the adult white
male southerners and denying them congressional representation
unless the southern states ratified the 14th Amendment.
At the same time, every last adult male ex slave was registered
to vote Republican, and assisted in the Republican Party’s twelve-year
plundering expedition in the South, also absurdly known as "Reconstruction."
Onerous
taxes were imposed on a region that was in dire need of tax amnesty.
Property taxes in South Carolina, for example, were thirty
times higher in 1870 than they were in 1860. The purpose of
such confiscatory taxation was to force southern property owners
to either pay bribes to Republican Party hacks employed as tax
collectors, or sell them their land at fire sale prices. Nothing
much was "reconstructed" but a great many carpetbaggers
became very wealthy.
Then there was the massive corruption and criminality associated
with building the government-subsidized transcontinental railroads,
a project begun when Abraham Lincoln called a special session
of congress to get the ball rolling just a few months after taking
office. The infamous corruption of the Grant administrations was
an inevitable consequence of these policies.
The
average U.S. tariff rate was escalated to nearly 50 percent during
the Lincoln administration and remained in that range until the
income tax was adopted in 1913. Thus, the Party of Virtue engaged
in fifty years of legal plunder through protectionist trade policies.
The
taxpayers were plundered further by being forced to pay more and
more for veterans’ pensions, for the war created a well-oiled
lobby of Union Army veterans. Veterans’ pensions comprised 29
percent of all federal expenditures by 1884.
Government
bureaucrats proliferated at all levels of government, as did taxes.
The regulatory state was also greatly expanded, imposing regulations
on freight rates, grain warehouses, trusts, and myriad occupations.
Fortunately
for the ex slaves, very little was done for them by the federal
government, allowing them the freedom and independence to pursue
their own livelihoods, quite often with astonishing success despite
all the roadblocks they faced.
The
Great Libertarian from Buffalo
In
the post-war years the Democratic Party possessed most of what
was left of the states’ rights, strict constructionist Jeffersonians
in American politics. The party had its share of scoundrels, politics
being what it is, but it still generally championed free trade
over the legal plunder of protectionism, and laissez faire over
Lincolnian mercantilism. Its greatest spokesman in this regard
was President Grover Cleveland, who served two terms as president:
18851889 and 18931897. His political philosophy was
perhaps best expressed in his second inaugural address, where
he said, "The lessons of paternalism ought to be unlearned
and the better lesson taught that while the people should patriotically
and cheerfully support their Government its functions do not include
the support of the people." He was a nineteenth century James
Ostrowski.
Cleveland
began his political career as sheriff of Erie County, New York
in 1871, where he earned a reputation for fearlessness and incorruptibility.
He was then elected mayor of Buffalo in 1882 where he became known
as "the veto mayor." He earned this noble designation
for repeatedly vetoing inflated government contracts with politically-connected
firms doing business with the city. He also insisted on competitive
bidding on all city contracts, a practice almost unheard of in
New York.
Ascending
to the governor’s mansion, Cleveland became known as "the
veto governor" for vetoing numerous Tammany Hall patronage
bills put before the state legislature. Inevitably, this reputation
would follow him into the White House where he would veto hundreds
of bills, including forty-nine that he pocket vetoed on his very
last day in office, March 4, 1897 (see Alyn Brodsky, Grover
Cleveland: A Study in Character New York, St. Martin’s
Press, 2000, p. 57).
During
his first term as president Cleveland vetoed hundreds of pension
expansion bills as unwarranted raids on the U.S. Treasury. He
became Public Enemy Number One in the eyes of the "Grand
Army of the Republic," the Union army veterans lobbying organization
that consistently agitated to plunder the taxpayers. Despite the
dwindling number of veterans, expenditures on veterans’ pensions
had increased by some 500 percent in the previous twenty years
(Brodsky, p. 182), purely because of the political clout of Union
army veterans. (Southerners paid taxes to finance the pensions,
but did not qualify for them).
Cleveland
also campaigned vigorously for a reduction in the tariff rate,
calling the current rates, an economic legacy of the Lincoln administration,
"indefensible extortion" and "a vicious, inequitable,
and illogical source of unnecessary taxation." Republicans
fiercely defended tariff extortion, as they always had, and prevailed
politically during Cleveland’s first term.
Grover
Cleveland was also a crusader for the Gold Standard and sound
money. Naturally, the Republican Party opposed him on this issue
with all its powers. In a message to Congress he announced, "The
people of the United States are entitled to a sound and stable
currency and to money recognized as such on every exchange and
in every market of the world." And only a gold standard,
Cleveland believed, could guarantee such a stable currency.
After
1878 the federal government was not required to maintain a gold
standard (See Robert Higgs, Crisis
and Leviathan, p. 87). Inflationists thought they had
the upper hand as a result of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act
of 1890 (sponsored by Senator John Sherman of antitrust law fame,
who was also the senate sponsor of the McKinley Tariff Act and
the Sherman Antitrust Act in that same year. Some "champion
of free enterprise"). Sherman and his Republican Party cohorts
wanted to flood the nation with silver (and gold) to expand expenditures
on "public works" and other big-government schemes.
But they met their match in Grover Cleveland.
In
June of 1893 Cleveland called a special session of Congress to
repeal the Sherman Silver Purchase Act (Higgs, p. 88). After heated
debate, Congress passed a bill doing so, and Cleveland signed
it into law on November 1.
The
economy at the time was in a severe recession and gold reserves
were dwindling despite the repeal of the Sherman Silver Purchase
Act. Cleveland decided on a plan to save the gold standard. As
explained by Robert Higgs (p. 89):
Even
Murray Rothbard, who was not in the habit of praising government
bureaucrats, referred to this whole episode as the "heroic
acts of the Treasury" which "restored confidence in
the gold standard." (Murray N. Rothbard, A
History of Money and Banking in the United States: The Colonial
Era to World War II, p. 169).
Cleveland’s
heroic efforts to reduce tariff rates achieved modest success
in his second term, as the average tariff rate was reduced from
48 percent to 41 percent. Unfortunately, it came as a result of
the Wilson-Gorman Act of 1894, which also instituted an income
tax. Cleveland allowed the Act to become law without his signature,
and an enlightened Supreme Court subsequently ruled the income
tax unconstitutional for the time being.
In
1894 labor unions representing workers of the Pullman Car Company
in Chicago – and led by the socialist gadfly Eugene Debs orchestrated
a violent strike that turned into a city-wide riot in which twenty
people were killed. Believing that the first responsibility of
government is to protect citizens from such violence, and realizing
that local authorities were clearly unable to do so, Cleveland
restored law and order by sending federal troops to Chicago.
The
Republican Party of the post-war era was dominated by "militarists
of the period [who] shared with many ... industrialists the belief
that it was the nation’s inherent right to colonize the continent
westward and southward to its geographical limits, and then push
ever westward across the waters" (Brodsky, p. 228). These
men considered this to be America’s "Manifest Destiny"
that was ordained by God. (It is remarkable how today’s neoconservatives,
who dominate Bush administration foreign policy, share essentially
the exact same philosophy, but applied to the entire planet, not
just North America and the Western Hemisphere).
Grover
Cleveland considered this imperialistic fantasy to be "every
bit as odious as imperialism and misguided nationalism" (p.
228). He was determined that "we never get caught up in conflict
with any foreign state unless attacked or otherwise provoked,"
in the spirit of George Washington and Thomas Jefferson. If he
were alive today, Grover Cleveland would be the chief nemesis
of the neocons.
Grover
Cleveland was a principled classical liberal. But even while serving
as president, his own Democratic Party was deserting him as the
forces of statism and unlimited democracy, unleashed by the death
of states’ rights in 1865, were beginning to dominate American
politics. He was the last American president in the Jefferson/Andrew
Jackson/John Tyler tradition, and the last good Democrat to serve
in that office. For the most part, his successors (in both parties)
have ranged from pathetic panderers to dangerous, megalomaniacal
warmongers, or both.