For Justice, End Legal Immunity
by
William L. Anderson
by William L. Anderson
Much of what
we read on the LRC page and elsewhere involves unjust or criminal
actions by people employed by governments. Whether it be the aftermath
of the infamous Duke Lacrosse Non-Rape, Non-Kidnapping, and
Non-Sexual Assault Case, the Little
Rascals Case, or yet another situation involving a
wrongful prosecution and conviction, we are given example after
example of government wrongdoing and outright criminal behavior.
In any of these
stories, one or all of the following will have occurred: (1) Prosecutors
hide exculpatory evidence or just lie, (2) prosecutors suborn perjured
testimony, (3) police officers lie on the witness stand, and (4)
judges sit back and do nothing while an innocent person is railroaded.
As it is my contention that there never is an excuse for a wrongful
conviction, whenever we see someone wrongfully convicted, we can
be assured that the authorities either were willfully dishonest
or incompetent.
What we rarely
see, however, are the people who were at fault ever being charged
as criminals or being on the end of lawsuits brought by the victims.
Most of the times, the real victims have no recourse at all.
The reason
is that governments confer immunity upon those privileged to work
in the police and "justice" systems. (In some places,
like
California, most government workers are given astounding amounts
of immunity when they break the law, even if it is not "job-related.")
The U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that judges and prosecutors are
absolutely immune for anything they do that is considered within
the lines of their official duties.
Many years
ago, a lower-level judge in New York City purchased coffee from
a street vendor, but did not like it. He had the vendor arrested,
put into handcuffs, and then dragged before the snarling judge in
his courtroom to be lectured on the evils of bad coffee. The outraged
vendor sued and won a large judgment, but SCOTUS stepped in and
overturned the verdict (and the judgment, of course) and ruled that
since the judge was sitting on his bench, he had the power to do
whatever he pleased.
In subsequent
rulings, courts have spread immunity to prosecutors and police and
others in government "acting in their official duties."
The reasoning of the courts and legislators (who also have written
immunity into various statutes) is that the duties that these government
employees are so important that they cannot work under the stress
of being sued for their misconduct.
For example,
Michael Nifong, the architect of the infamous Duke case, is
claiming that the law protects him for whatever he did in that
case; the reason he is legally vulnerable, it turns out, is that
Nifong also directed the police investigation of the case, and it
was as an investigator that he engaged in much of his egregious
conduct. However, he has absolutely no legal vulnerability
for his lying in court, his public statements, his desperate attempts
to manipulate the case timelines, and his changing of the charges
after the infamous
December 15 hearing in which attorneys were able to get one
of his star witnesses to admit that he and Nifong agreed to withhold
important exculpatory evidence.
(Nifong’s vulnerability
came because the North Carolina State Bar was able to file
charges against him, and ultimately disbarred him for what he did
as a prosecutor. Likewise, Judge W. Osmond Smith III jailed
Nifong for a day for lying in court to him about the evidence. However,
the real victims of Nifong’s predations could do nothing regarding
what he did in his "official" prosecutorial actions.)
Likewise, the
police in Durham are claiming the same immunity and the two judges,
Ronald Stephens and Kenneth Titus, who gave Nifong
a free hand in their courtrooms to do a number of outrageous
things, are absolutely immune for their official actions. Whether
or not the federal judge handling the civil case will agree with
the police officers is another matter.
If one steps
back and examines the reasons given for immunity, they translate
to the following: judges and legislators are not willing to expose
the government employees in the "justice" system to legal
liability because it might "distract" them from their
duties or make them legally vulnerable. This reasoning is rich,
very rich, and absolutely ironic.
What they are
saying is that police and those employed by the courts should not
be subject to the very legal procedures that they force upon the
rest of us. They are saying that they cannot trust the courts
to do what is right if THEY are sued. The same people who drag
us into court, who charge us with ridiculous "crimes,"
and who impose judgment after judgment on us, cannot possibly be
expected to face the system that governs the rest of us, as it might
"distract" them from their duties.
That should
strike everyone as hypocritical at best and utterly dishonest at
worst. If the court system is good enough for us, why is it not
good enough for the people who are in charge of that system?
This reminds
me of the old Soviet Union, which had "yellow-curtain"
shops in which only those who were paid in "Class-D Rubles"
could shop. Those were the people who were politically-connected
and who either were members of the Communist Party or who had the
most "prestigious" jobs. All of the other workers in the
"Workers’ Paradise" were paid in regular Rubles and were
not permitted to enter those stores.
The essence
of modern American "justice" is precisely that of the
"yellow-curtain" shops; all Americans are equal, but those
employed as police officers, prosecutors, and judges are more equal
than everyone else. If lawsuits for misconduct should not be imposed
upon these miscreants, then why should the rest of us be left vulnerable
to them? If these legal procedures are good enough for other Americans,
then why are they not good enough for the government "law"
employees?
It is not enough
to say that lawsuits would "distract" these "public
servants" from their duties (as is claimed). After all, everyone
outside this "justice" system faces such lawsuits, and
the courts have ruled that such suits are just fine.
No, the reasons
given are not morally or even legally legitimate. They are nothing
but an exercise in raw power, the power of the state.
We
cannot make police, prosecutors, and judges into honest people.
However, we also have to understand that the very immunity that
protects these government employees also provides a powerful incentive
for fundamentally dishonest people to seek these careers. What other
line of work (other than being an elected politician) permits those
duly employed to lie, to kill, to kidnap, and to engage in other
acts of oppression and bullying with almost no consequences for
such behavior?
The market
system, which these same people constantly disparage and attempt
to destroy via their own "justice" system, does not reward
this kind of criminal behavior. As we have seen in the current economic
meltdown, ultimately the lies that some of the players attempted
to foist on the market were discovered, and the market participants
exacted a brutal form of justice.
That does not
happen in the "justice" system. Instead, when someone
like Nifong actually does face some small consequences for criminal
behavior, we are told that it is "extraordinary." Wow.
A prosecutor lies in court, hides evidence, foists a major frame
on innocent people, and we are supposed to believe that it is "extraordinary"
that he loses his job.
No, we cannot
make sociopaths like Michael B. Nifong honest people. However, we
can take away their legal immunity and make them vulnerable to the
same sanctions that the rest of us face. That would provide a small
amount of justice in a system in which the participants no longer
care about being just.
February
3, 2009
William
L. Anderson, Ph.D. [send him
mail], teaches economics at Frostburg State University in Maryland,
and is an adjunct scholar of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute. He also is a consultant
with American Economic Services.
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© 2009 LewRockwell.com
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