Now that
I have your attention, did you find yourself offended by the title
of this piece? Good! It was intended to be offensive, not because
I derive any pleasure from the angry reaction of others, but to
make a point as bluntly and as poignantly as I can.
What if I
had created a bumper-sticker with such a message on it, attached
it to my car, which I then drove around Omaha – a city in which
I lived for some nine years. Would you – or my fellow Omahans
– be rightfully angered by my actions? My message would be clear
enough: urging others to heap praise and support upon those who
go about killing innocent men and women. The "bad-taste police"
might be the least of my worries from such an action: I might
even find myself criminally charged with aiding and abetting the
crime of murder!
What kind
of twisted mind could concoct such a message, you may wonder?
When a mass-killing is followed by a similar atrocity elsewhere,
many are quick to label the latter the work of a "copy-cat"
killer. I shall fall back on the same explanation: my proposed
bumper-sticker is "copy-catted" from the works of others.
While young
Robert Hawkins was carrying out his mayhem, there were doubtless
many cars in the shopping center parking lot with bumper-stickers
reading "support the troops." What does this message
mean if not for us to offer comfort and encouragement to soldiers
in Iraq and Afghanistan; to provide our confirmation of the validity
of what they are doing in those countries? And what are they
doing, if not killing thousands of men, women, and children? How
have Iraqi civilians been any more deserving of the death and
suffering visited upon them than were the customers and workers
at a shopping mall? Whose innocence is entitled to greater respect
or protection in either battle zone?
Most of us
– in whatever nation, religion, or culture in which we were raised
– are uncomfortable exploring the dysfunctional and destructive
nature of our thinking. Our identities are so wrapped up in such
collective abstractions that we regard any critical examination
of them as a challenge to our personal worthiness. It is far more
comforting to take the easy route of casting the world into camps
of the "good" and the "bad," and to follow
leaders who reassure us of the school-playground principle that
"if you’re not with us, you’re against us."
Our institutionalized
thinking – which you and I, alone, have produced and are capable
of changing – has turned us into the reactive beings eager to
man the barricades of whatever conflicts the established order
chooses for us. I suspect that if the present administration were
to declare Lapland part of the "axis of evil," most
Americans would accept such a characterization, and turn upon
neighbors who displayed reindeer Christmas decorations as "terrorist-sympathizers."
To voice any doubts to the contrary would be to entertain the
possibility that the very core of their identities is grounded
in lies.
In this way,
faceless "others" become the shadow forces against whom
we fight in a vain effort to find peace within ourselves. Randolph
Bourne’s "war is the health of the state," and Charles
Beard’s "perpetual war for perpetual peace," reveal
far more than the destructive foundations of every political system.
Worse yet – and what we choose not to know – they reveal who and
what we have made of ourselves. So much of the content of motion
pictures, television, video games, and the lyrics of popular music,
are awash in themes of violence. But these expressions of our
culture are not the causes of our difficulties, but only
a reflection of who we are. Not wanting to endure the pain
of self-examination, we focus on Hollywood, or drugs, or the availability
of guns, to explain what we have made of ourselves and, derivatively,
the society in which we live. We will put a "support the
troops" bumper-sticker on our cars – a statement that really
means "support the war" – as a way of disguising
our refusal to challenge our own thinking.
In his despairing
suicide note, Robert Hawkins lamented of the "meaningless
existence" of his life. But where, within the families or
the cultures in which they are raised, are children encouraged
to find a sense of "meaning?" For most, any existential
purpose usually amounts to little more than an attachment to some
external agency – an institution – that offers but a superficial,
ersatz significance. What school system, for instance, spends
any amount of time helping a child develop his or her own
sense of being if it does not serve institutional interests? Behavior-modifying
drugs await the child who insists upon pursuing his or her own
interests in most school systems, prescriptions that have almost
always been found in the case histories of young mass-murderers.
Ivan Illich succinctly stated the underlying purpose of schools
as "the advertising agency which makes you believe that you
need the society as it is." At their best, government schools
help children discover their optimal stall in the institutional
hierarchy.
I recently
saw a couple getting out of their car in a parking lot. Their
auto was a bandwagon of slogans for the war system: "proud
parents of a sailor," "support the troops," and
other patriotic messages adorned with flags. The man also wore
a very noisy T-shirt that proclaimed his commitment to the war
effort. I thought to myself what terrible parents these people
must have been, to not only fail to protect their child
from the war system that wants to consume him or her, but to brazenly
celebrate it! If their child should die in battle in furtherance
of the state’s political and economic ambitions, will they regard
the death as the fulfillment of a "meaningful existence?"
Before
answering such a question, every parent should think back to the
sense of "meaningless existence" that preceded Robert
Hawkins’ suicide attack in Omaha. One of the stories unreported
from most of the mainstream media relates to the high suicide
rates among soldiers. In one investigation, CBS discovered that,
in the year 2005 alone, at least 6,256 suicides were reported
among those who had served in the military! Apparently, a chestful
of medals was not sufficient to remove the sense of "meaninglessness"
experienced by so many young people who directed their violence
against foreigners; there was no felt transcendence associated
with being a fusilier in an invading imperial horde.
Within
a handful of years, we shall begin to glimpse an answer to whether
America will remain in its present state of free-fall, or whether
individual intelligence will overcome mass-mindedness in informing
social behavior. The decentralizing role of the Internet and other
personalized technologies provide encouragement for the future,
as do the efforts of Ron Paul and his spontaneous network of individualized
supporters to extend such peaceful, creative, and orderly transformations.
This continuing movement away from the vertically-structured power
systems that destroy humanity is what, above all else, terrifies
the stockholders of the established order. The early confrontation
between Ron Paul and the disingenuous Rudy Giuliani concerning
the explanations for 9/11 raised the kinds of inquiries the rulers
do not want considered.
What established
authorities fear the most is an answer to the question raised
by the bumper-sticker from the 1960s: "what if they gave
a war and nobody came?"