We,
the Salt of the Earth, Take Precedence
by
Paul Craig Roberts
by Paul Craig Roberts
DIGG THIS
Which country
is the rogue nation? Iraq? Iran? Or the United States? Syndicated
columnist Charley Reese asks this question in a
recently published article.
Reese notes
that it is the US that routinely commits "acts of aggression
around the globe." The US government has no qualms about dropping
bombs on civilians whether they be in Serbia, the Middle East, or
Africa. It is all in a good cause – our cause.
This slaughtering
of foreigners doesn’t seem to bother the American public. Americans
take it for granted that Americans are superior and that American
purposes, whatever they be, take precedence over the rights of other
people to life and to a political existence independent of American
hegemony.
The Bush regime
has come up with a preemption doctrine that justifies attacking
a country in order to prevent the country from possibly becoming
a future threat to the US. "Threat" is broadly defined.
It appears to mean the ability to withstand the imposition of US
hegemony. This insane doctrine justifies attacking China and Russia,
a direction in which the Republican presidential candidate John
McCain seems to lean.
The callousness
of Americans toward the lives of other peoples is stunning. How
many Christian churches ask God’s forgiveness for having been rushed
into an error that has killed, maimed, and displaced a quarter of
the Iraqi population?
How
many Christian churches ask God to give better guidance to our government
so that it does not repeat the error and crime by attacking Iran?
The indifference
of Americans to others flows from "American exceptionalism,"
the belief that Americans are graced with a special mission to impose
their virtue on the rest of the world. Like the French revolutionaries,
Americans don’t seem to care how many people they kill in the process
of spreading their exceptionalism.
American exceptionalism
has swelled Americans’ heads, filling them with hubris and self-righteousness
and making Americans believe that they are the salt of the earth.
Three recent
books are good antidotes for this unjustified self-esteem. One is
Patrick J. Buchanan’s Churchill,
Hitler, and the Unnecessary War. Another is After
the Reich: The Brutal History of the Allied Occupation by
Giles MacDonogh, and a third is John Pilger’s Freedom
Next Time.
Buchanan’s
latest book is by far his best. It is spell-binding from his opening
sentence: "All about us we can see clearly now that the West
is passing away." As the pages turn, the comfortable myths,
produced by history written by the victors, are swept aside. The
veil is lifted to reveal the true faces of British and American
exceptionalism: stupidity and deceit.
Buchanan’s
strength is that he lets the story be told by Britain’s greatest
20th century historians and the memoirs of the participants in the
events that destroyed the West’s dominance and moral character.
Buchanan’s contribution is to assemble the collective judgment of
a hundred historians.
As I read the
tale, it is a story of hubris destroying judgment and substituting
in its place blunder and miscalculation. Both world wars began when
England, for no sound or sensible reason, declared war on Germany.
Winston Churchill was a prime instigator of both wars. He seems
to have been a person who needed a war stage in order to be a "great
man."
The American
President Woodrow Wilson shares responsibility with Britain and
France for the Versailles Treaty, which dismembered Germany, stripping
her of territory and putting millions of Germans under foreign rule,
and imposed reparations that Britain’s greatest economist, John
Maynard Keynes, correctly predicted to be unrealistic. All of this
was done in violation of assurances given to Germany that there
would be no reparations or boundary changes. Once Germany surrendered,
the assurances were withdrawn, and a starvation blockade forced
German submission to the new harsh terms.
Hitler’s program
was to put Germany back together. He was succeeding without war
until Churchill provoked Chamberlain into an insane act. Danzig
was 95 percent German. It had been given to Poland by the Versailles
Treaty. Hitler was negotiating its return and offered in exchange
a guarantee of Poland’s frontiers. The Polish colonels, assessing
the relative strengths of Poland and Germany, understood that a
deal was better than a war. But suddenly, the British Prime Minister
issued Poland a guarantee of its existing territory, including Danzig,
whose inhabitants wished to return to Germany.
Buchanan
produces one historian after another to testify that British miscalculations
and blunders, culminating in Chamberlain’s worthless and provocative
"guarantee" to Poland, brought the West into a war that
Hitler did not want, a war that destroyed the British Empire and
left Britain a dependency of America, a war that delivered Poland,
a chunk of Germany, all of Eastern Europe, and the Baltic states
to Joseph Stalin, a war that left the Western allies with a 45-year
cold war against the nuclear-armed Soviet Union.
People resist
the shattering of their illusions, and many are angry with Buchanan
for assembling the facts of the case that distinguished historians
have provided.
Churchill admirers
are outraged that their hero is revealed as the first war criminal
of World War II. It was Churchill who initiated the policy of terror
bombing civilians in non-combatant areas. Buchanan quotes B.H. Liddell
Hart: "When Mr. Churchill came into power, one of the first
decisions of his government was to extend bombing to the non-combatant
area."
In holding
Churchill to account, Buchanan makes no apologies for Hitler, but
the ease with which Churchill set aside moral considerations is
discomforting.
Buchanan documents
that Churchill’s plan was to destroy 50% of German homes. Churchill
also had plans for using chemical and biological warfare against
German civilians. In 2001 the Glasgow Sunday Herald reported
Churchill’s plan to drop five million anthrax cakes onto German
pastures in order to poison the cattle and through them the people.
Churchill instructed the RAF to consider drenching "the cities
of the Ruhr and many other cities in Germany" with poison gas
"in such a way that most of the population would be requiring
constant medical attention."
"It is
absurd to consider morality on this topic," the great man declared.
Paul Johnson,
a favorite historian of conservatives, notes that Churchill’s policy
of terror bombing civilians was "approved in cabinet, endorsed
by parliament and, so far as can be judged, enthusiastically backed
by the bulk of the British people." Thus, the terror bombing
of civilians, which "marked a critical stage in the moral declension
of humanity in our times," fulfilled "all the conditions
of the process of consent in a democracy under law."
British historian
F.J.P. Veale concluded that Churchill’s policy of indiscriminate
bombing of civilians caused an unprecedented "reversion to
primary and total warfare" associated with "Sennacherib,
Genghis Khan, and Tamerlane."
The Americans
were quick to follow Churchill’s lead. General Curtis LeMay boasted
of his raid on Tokyo: "We scorched and boiled and baked to
death more people in Tokyo that night of March 9–10 than went up
in vapor in Hiroshima and Nagasaki combined."
MacDonogh’s
book, After the Reich, dispels the comfortable myth of generous
allied treatment of defeated Germany. Having discarded all moral
scruples, the allies fell upon the vanquished country with brutal
occupation. Hundreds of thousands of women raped; hundreds of thousands
of Germans died in deportations; a million German prisoners of war
died in captivity.
MacDonogh calculates
that 2.5 million Germans died between the liberation of Vienna and
the Berlin airlift.
Nigel Jones
writes in the conservative London Sunday Telegraph: "MacDonogh
has told a very inconvenient truth," a story long "cloaked
in silence since telling it suited no one."
The hypocrisy
of the Nuremberg trials is that the victors were also guilty of
crimes for which the vanquished were punished. The purpose of the
trials was to demonize the defeated in order to divert attention
from the allies’ own war crimes. The trials had little to do with
justice.
In Freedom
Next Time, Pilger shows the complete self-absorption of American,
British and Israeli governments whose policies are unimpeded by
any moral principle.
Pilger documents
the demise of the inhabitants of Diego Garcia. The Americans wanted
Diego Garcia for an air base, so the British packed up the 2,000
residents, people with British passports under British protection,
and deported them to Mauritius, one thousand miles away.
To
cover up its crime against humanity, the British Foreign and Commonwealth
Office created the fiction that the inhabitants, which had been
living in the archipelago for two or three centuries, were "a
floating population." This fiction, wrote a legal adviser,
bolsters "our arguments that the territory has no indigenous
or settled population."
Prime Minister
Harold Wilson and Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart conspired to
mislead the UN about the deported islanders by, in Stewart’s words,
" presenting any move as a change of employment for contract
workers – rather than as a population resettlement."
Pilger interviewed
some of the displaced persons, but emotional blocs will shield patriotic
Americans and British from the uncomfortable facts. Rational skeptics
can find a second
documented account of the Anglo-American rape of Diego Garcia
online. An entire people were swept away.
Two
thousand people were in the way of an American purpose – an air
base – so we had our British dependency deport them.
Several million
Palestinians are in Israel’s way. Pilger’s documented account of
Israel’s crushing of the Palestinians shows that our "democratic
ally" in the Middle East is capable of any evil and has no
remorse or mercy. Israel is an apt student of the British and American
empires’ attitudes toward lesser beings. They simply don’t count.
Those
who are the salt of the earth take precedence over everything.
July
2, 2008
Paul
Craig Roberts [send
him mail] a
former Assistant Secretary of the US Treasury and former associate
editor of the Wall Street Journal, has been reporting shocking cases
of prosecutorial abuse for two decades. A new edition of his book,
The
Tyranny of Good Intentions,
co-authored with Lawrence Stratton, a documented account of how
Americans lost the protection of law, has just been released by
Random House.
Copyright
© 2008 Creators Syndicate
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