Bush's Assault on Freedom: What's To Stop Him?
by
Paul Craig Roberts
by Paul Craig Roberts
On June 29,
the U.S. Supreme Court in a 5-3 decision ruled that President Bush's
effort to railroad tortured Guantanamo Bay detainees in kangaroo
courts "violates
both U.S. law and the Geneva Conventions."
Better late
than never, but it sure took a long time for the checks and balances
to call a halt to the illegal and unconstitutional behavior of the
executive.
The Legal
Times quotes David Remes, a partner in the law firm of Covington
& Burling: "At the broadest level, the Court has rejected
the basic legal theory of the Bush administration since 9/11
that the president has the inherent power to do whatever he wants
in the name of fighting terrorism without accountability to Congress
or the courts."
Perhaps the
Court's ruling has more far-reaching implications. In finding Bush
in violation of the Geneva Conventions, the ruling may have created
a prima facie case for charges to be filed against Bush as
a war criminal.
Many readers
have concluded that Bush assumed the war criminal's mantle when
he illegally invaded Iraq under false pretenses. The U.S. itself
established the Nuremberg standard that it is a war crime to launch
a war of aggression. This was the charge that the chief U.S. prosecutor
brought against German leaders at the Nuremberg trials.
The importance
of the Supreme Court's decision, however, is that a legal decision
by America's highest court has ruled Bush to be in violation of
the Geneva Conventions.
There are many
reasons to impeach Bush. His flagrant disregard for international
law, U.S. civil liberties, the separation of powers, public opinion,
and human rights associate Bush with the worst tyrants of the 20th
century. It is true that Bush has not yet been able to subvert all
the institutions that constrain his executive power, but he and
his band of Federalist Society lawyers have been working around
the clock to eliminate the constraints that the U.S. Constitution
and international law place on executive power.
Republicans
are "outraged" that "liberal judges" have prevented
Bush from "protecting us from terrorists." In the U.S.
Senate, Majority Leader Bill Frist said that Republicans will propose
legislation to enable Bush to get around the Supreme Court's decision.
Sen. Arlen Specter (R-Pa.) already had a bill ready. What sense
does it make to talk about "liberal opposition" when liberal
Republicans like Specter are falling all over themselves to kowtow
to Bush?
Americans are
going to have to decide which is the greater threat: terrorists,
or the Republican Party's determination to shred American civil
liberties and the separation of powers in the name of executive
power and the "war on terror."
The rest of
the world has already reached a decision. A Harris Poll recently
conducted for the Financial Times found that the populations
of our European allies Britain, France, Italy, and Spain
view the United States as the greatest threat to global stability.
A Pew Foundation
survey released the same week found that 60 percent of the British
believe that Bush has made the world less safe and that 79 percent
of the Spanish oppose Bush's war on terror.
Republicans
and conservatives equate civil liberties with homosexual marriage,
abortion, racial quotas, flag burning, banning of school prayer,
and crime resulting from a lax punishment of criminals. This is
partly the fault of the ACLU and left-wingers, who go to extremes
to make a point. But it is also the fault of conservatives, who
believe that their government is incapable of evil deeds.
In their dangerous
and ill-founded belief, conservatives are in total opposition to
the Founding Fathers, who went to the trouble of writing the Constitution
and the Bill of Rights in order to protect us from our government.
Most conservatives believe that they do not need constitutional
protections, because they "are not doing anything wrong."
Conservatives have come to this absurd conclusion despite the Republicans'
decision to sell out the Bill of Rights for the sake of temporary
power.
A number of
important books have recently been published decrying America's
decaying virtue. In Lawless
World, the distinguished British jurist, Philippe Sands,
documents the destruction by George Bush and Tony Blair of the system
of international law put in place by Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston
Churchill. In The
Peace of Illusions, Christopher Layne documents the American
drive for global hegemony that threatens the world with war and
destruction. Americans are enjoying a sense of power with little
appreciation of where it is leading them.
Congress has
collapsed in the face of Bush's refusal to abide by statutory law
and his "signing statements," by which Bush asserts his
independence of U.S. law. Bush has done what he can to turn the
Supreme Court into a rubber stamp of his unaccountable power by
placing John Roberts and Samuel Alito on the bench. Though much
diminished by these appointments, the Court found the strength to
rise up in opposition to Bush's budding tyranny.
Amazingly,
on the very same day in England, where our individual rights originated,
the High Court struck down Tony Blair's "anti-terrorism"
laws as illegal breaches of the human rights of suspects. As with
the Bush regime, the Blair regime tried to justify its illegality
on the grounds of "protecting the public," but a far larger
percentage of the British population than the American understands
that the erosion of civil liberty is a greater threat to their safety
than terrorists.
Thus,
in the two lands most associated with civil liberties, courts have
struck down the tyrannical acts of the corrupt executive. Perhaps
the fact that courts have reaffirmed the rule of law will give hope
and renewed strength to the friends of liberty to withstand the
assaults on freedom that are the hallmarks of the Bush and Blair
regimes. On the other hand, the two tyrants might ignore the courts
as they have statutory law.
What's to stop
them?
July
3, 2006
Dr.
Roberts [send him mail]
is
Chairman of the Institute for Political Economy and Research Fellow
at the Independent Institute.
He is a former associate editor of the Wall Street Journal,
former contributing editor for National Review, and was Assistant
Secretary of the Treasury in the Reagan administration. He is the
co-author of The
Tyranny of Good Intentions.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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