Before
the US House of Representatives, February 16, 2006
Mr.
Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to this very dangerous legislation.
My colleagues would do well to understand that this legislation
is leading us toward war against Iran.
Those reading
this bill may find themselves feeling a sense of déjà vu.
In many cases one can just substitute "Iraq" for "Iran" in this
bill and we could be back in the pre-2003 run up to war with Iraq.
And the logic of this current push for war is much the same as
was the logic used in the argument for war on Iraq. As earlier
with Iraq, this resolution demands that Iran perform the impossible
task of proving a negative in this case that Iran does
not have plans to build a nuclear weapon.
There
are a few things we need to remember when thinking about Iran
and this legislation. First, Iran has never been ruled in violation
of its international nuclear non-proliferation obligations.
Second,
Iran concluded a Safeguards Agreement more than 30 years ago that
provides for the verification of Iran's fulfillment of its obligation
to not divert nuclear energy programs to nuclear weapons development.
Since this agreement was reached, the International Atomic Energy
Agency has never found any indication that Iran has diverted or
attempted to divert source or special nuclear materials from a
peaceful purpose to a military purpose.
But, this does not stop those eager for conflict with Iran from
stating otherwise. As the Washington Post reported last
year, "U.S. officials, eager to move the Iran issue to the U.N.
Security Council which has the authority to impose sanctions
have begun a new round of briefings for allies designed to
convince them that Iran's real intention is to use its energy
program as a cover for bomb building. The briefings will focus
on the White House's belief that a country with as much oil as
Iran would not need an energy program on the scale it is planning,
according to two officials."
This
reminds us of the quick move to justify the invasion of Iraq by
citing Iraq's "intentions" when actual weapons of mass destruction
could not be found.
The
resolution's second resolved clause is a real misrepresentation
of the Iran/EU3 talks. The "efforts of France, Germany, and the
United Kingdom" were not "to seek...suspension of enrichment and
reprocessing related activities..." As the EU3-Iran Paris Agreement
makes very clear, the suspension of enrichment is a purely voluntary
measure taken by Iran and is "not a legal obligation."
This is similar to the situation with Iran's voluntarily observation
of the Additional Protocols (allowing unannounced inspections)
without legally being bound to do so. Suspending voluntary observance
of the Additional Protocols is not a violation of the NPT. But,
those seeking to push us toward war with Iran are purposely trying
to connect the two to confuse voluntary "confidence building"
measures taken by Iran with the legally-binding Treaty itself.
Resolved
clause four of this legislation is the most inflammatory and objectionable
part of the legislation. It lowers the bar to initiating war on
Iran. This clause anticipates that the US may not be successful
in getting the Security Council to pass a Resolution because of
the potential of a Russian or Chinese veto, so it "calls upon" Russia
and China to "take action" in response to "any report" of "Iran's
noncompliance. That is right: any report.
Mr. Speaker, this resolution is a drumbeat for war with Iran. Its
logic is faulty, its premises are flawed, and its conclusions are
dangerous. I urge my colleagues to stop for a moment and ponder
the wisdom of starting yet another war in the Middle East.