Will vs. Paul on the Constitutional Limits of Government
by Dan Phillips
by Dan Phillips
DIGG THIS
George Will’s
current Newsweek column
is garnering a lot of attention in the right-wing blogosphere. (See
here and here,
for example.) The article discusses Rep. Ron Paul (R-TX) and his
potential run for the GOP presidential nomination. Since the big
three candidates, McCain, Romney, and Giuliani, are getting all
the coverage, Will’s decision to cover a dark horse candidate like
Rep. Paul is interesting.
I guess Rep.
Paul and his supporters could take heart in the old adage that there
is no such thing as bad press, although that applies to Hollywood
more so than it does to Washington, DC. The article is superficially
flattering. It portrays Rep. Paul as a man of firm convictions.
But on close reading, Will is clearly making a point at Rep. Paul’s
expense. Whether the average reader will primarily take from the
column the flattering characterization of Rep. Paul as a man of
principle or Will’s more subversive point, remains to be seen. The
dual nature of Will’s intent is reflected in the title of the article
"Cheerful Anachronism." Notice it is not "Cheerful
Man of Principle."
Some of the
blogosphere commentary has noted that Will’s attitude seems condescending.
It surely does, although dismissive might better describe the sense
I get. The Will column also perfectly illustrates the tyranny of
the center dynamic that I discussed in a recent column.
Only centrists are allowed in the polite discussion. You must shed
your silly little ideological convictions at the door, or you will
not be allowed a "seat at the table."
You have to
hand it to Will; the column requires a bit of deconstructing, but
it communicates his message quite well. Here is Will’s message
in a nutshell; all you "eccentrics" like Paul who want
to strictly interpret the Constitution may not be vilified, but
you will be casually dismissed while the rest of us are about
the real business of doling out the booty.
Will writes, "[Paul]
believes, with more stubbornness than evidence, that the federal
government is a government of strictly enumerated powers…"
"With more stubbornness than evidence" suggests that
Will disagrees. That that was not, in fact, what the Founders intended.
Given that clear implication, the reader expects a rigorous defense
of a broad reading of the Constitution to follow, but very little
in the way of real argument and counter-evidence is offered.
It seems Will
is using the size of the current government as his de facto proof
that Rep. Paul is wrong. The fact that Rep. Paul is often swimming
upstream even among his supposedly conservative fellow Republicans
is all the evidence that is needed that Rep. Paul is in the wrong,
or perhaps more accurately and more devastatingly for Will, that
right or wrong, he is irrelevant.
But clearly,
to determine what the Founders intended you shouldn’t look at the
bloated monstrosity of a federal government that we have today
and conclude Rep. Paul is in error. (Bush recently submitted
a three trillion dollar budget. Is that bloated
monstrosity enough for you?) To determine what the Founders intended
you must look at what they had to say on the matter. Novel approach,
I know.
Will is good
enough to provide that evidence to the discerning reader within
the body of his own column, saving the lazy scholar from even having
to Google some references. Will writes, "Paul will unfurl his
banner emblazoned with James Madison’s Federalist Paper No. 45:
‘The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal
government are few and defined.’"
So let’s see,
James Madison, the "Father of the Constitution," wrote
in one of the Federalist Papers, essays that were intended to support
the ratification of that Constitution, that the delegated powers
are "few and defined." What more evidence would Will like?
(Much more can be found.) Rep. Paul could submit that quote alone
and pretty much rest his case. Unless Will is suggesting that Madison
was being deceptive, that settles it, does it not?
Will barely
musters a constitutional defense for big government. It's as if
he doesn’t feel he needs to. He writes, "Even before the Founders’
generation passed from the scene, the government was slipping off
the leash that Madison said and Paul says the Constitution
puts on it." This is unfortunately an unequivocally true statement.
So it was. But isn’t that really evidence for the anti-Federalist’s
case that the Constitution’s safeguards were insufficient, instead
of proof that the Founders didn’t really mean it. Will seems to
suggest that all the Founders had their fingers crossed. "Ha,
Ha. Fooled you." (An anti-Federalist case can and has been
made that the Founders really were up to no good Patrick
Henry’s "I smell a rat!" but that is not the case
Will is making. Will is making the hyper-Federalist case.)
Will weakly
presents as evidence for his side Jefferson’s Louisiana Purchase.
"Where did Jefferson find constitutional authority
for making the Louisiana Purchase?" Funny he should ask that.
Jefferson himself worried
that the purchase was unconstitutional. He even drafted a constitutional
amendment to authorize it. In the end Jefferson allowed his
pragmatic concerns to trump his theoretical concerns, but the actual
technical constitutionality of the Louisiana Purchase is not the
slam dunk that Will implies. (Or is Will really implying that it
is silly to even consider such a thing?)
Big government
(sic) conservatives like Will can and do assert that strictly limited
government is no longer desirable or feasible. They argue that
Paul/Madisonstyle strict construction is no longer politically
practical. They have decided that conservatives must learn
to live with big government and should even use it to their advantage.
But Will is playing fast and loose with the historical record when he
suggests, mostly by insinuation, that strict limits were not
actually what the Founders intended. Had they intended otherwise,
the Constitution would not have been ratified.
Despite Will’s
snide remarks insinuating Rep. Paul’s lack of "evidence,"
intellectual honesty requires that Will and his big government (sic)
conservative friends admit they don’t really care what the Founders
thought about limited government. For them history is an inconvenient
impediment, and they don’t need stubborn politicians like Rep. Paul
continually bringing it up. This is the year 2007, and they
have a country to govern and elections to win.
In a roundabout
way Will does admit this. He ends his column thus, "Still,
Paul is not only a cheerful anachronism but a useful one. He forces
us to consider the continuing relevance of some old arguments, and
he reminds us that much of the reverence for the Founders is more
rhetorical than operational." Notice Paul is not useful because
he holds conservative’s feet to the fire. He is useful because he
exposes how anachronistic those "old arguments" are, allowing
us to finally move along.
Will likely
finds frequent conservative appeals to the Constitution and limited
government insincere and hypocritical, which they no doubt are.
Perhaps in that sense Will’s candor is refreshing. I think Will
would be happy if Rep. Paul, who actually means what he says, sufficiently
embarrasses his "conservative" colleagues out of their
frequent invocations of the Constitution when they recognize the
true implications of strictly following that document. Let us hope
and pray that Rep. Paul’s candidacy has the opposite effect. That
instead it embarrasses some "conservatives" into re-adopting
the limits contained in a document their stated guiding philosophy
used to consider more than a rhetorical flourish.
January
20, 2007
Dan
Phillips, MD, [send him
mail] is an Assistant Professor of Psychiatry at Mercer University
School of Medicine in Macon, Georgia.
Copyright
© 2007 LewRockwell.com
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