Salvation by Starvation
by Aaron Singleton
by Aaron Singleton
Recently, a
man named Bo Kyi came to speak here on campus. He is the Joint-Secretary
of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners in Burma,
an organization based on the Thailand-Burma border. He spoke of
his imprisonment under the brutal military Junta that rules what
is now known as Myanmar, and of the work he is doing to try and
bring liberty to his people. His comments were touching and his
experiences were quite harrowing; however, one of the suggestions
he made to us about how we can help struck me as very odd.
He
said
that "One of the most important and valuable actions of the US has
been to implement sanctions on Burma through the 2003 Burma Freedom
and Democracy Act." He then urged us to "Tell your Congressional
representatives and President Bush to renew sanctions on Burma."
These sanctions were renewed last summer and there was much accompanying
rhetoric about how important they were in helping the poor oppressed
Burmese people. To many people, sanctions probably seem like a reasonable
and effective way of helping tyrannized populations and punishing
brutal regimes. But upon further examination, they do just the opposite.
Sanctions have
been a popular tool of foreign policy among prosperous Western nations
over the last century. Because the West adopted market economies
earlier and more thoroughly than the rest of the world, their prosperity
made it possible to ostracize poorer, less developed countries without
doing severe damage to their own economies. The economic power wielded
by the United States has allowed us to essentially take the position
that, "since we control so much of the world’s economy, we’re
going to starve into submission any regime we don’t like."
This policy has been used extensively to further U.S. foreign policy
and expand our global empire ever since the WWI era.
What is strange
about all this is that sanctions continue to be used despite their
almost universal failure in achieving their goals. Take the U.S.
sanctions against Cuba for instance. They have been in place in
one form or another since 1963. Today Castro is still in power.
Cuba is still very poor and very little if any progress has been
made toward freedom or prosperity for the Cuban people. U.S. sanctions
against Iraq resulted in the disappearance of the Iraqi middle class,
the destruction of the Iraqi economy, and the starvation and death
of untold thousands of Iraqi children. Sanctions against Haiti were
at one point allegedly responsible for the deaths
of 1,000 infants a month, while having no beneficial effects.
In North Korea the results have been similarly bleak.
This is only
one side of the story. Not only do sanctions result in poverty,
starvation and death for the populations of targeted countries,
they help bestow a mantle of much-needed legitimacy on despotic
rulers. Rather than producing political reform and opposition to
tyranny, sanctions often result in an increase of nationalism and
support for the current regime. Castro, Saddam and Kim Jong-il have
all used the sanctions imposed against them as evidence of U.S.
imperialism and as scapegoats on which to blame their poorly performing
economies. At the same time they hold themselves up as patriotic
champions of national self-sufficiency and independence.
I remember
not too long ago having seen a segment on a news program where an
American journalist was in North Korea asking villagers about their
views on America. When he asked one young man what he thought about
Americans, he answered that America was the sworn enemy of his country
and that he wanted to join the army so he could fight and kill Americans.
This type of xenophobic mentality is easy to cultivate among a population
that is poor, hungry and cut off from the outside world.
The logic behind
the use of sanctions is one that refuses to recognize the difference
between the many people living in a country, and the few who rule
it. It is a perverse act of war that targets only civilians. It
ignores the fact that the ruling elite live far better than the
mass of people, and will continue to do so even as their economy
declines and there is less to go around. When push comes to shove
it is the rulers who will get what they need and want while the
general population starves. It deprives people in both countries
of their right to trade and make a living. It breeds animosity,
conflict and desperation and often leads to war. As Nobel Peace
Prize winner Cordell Hull once said, "When goods cannot cross
borders, armies will."
Sanctions impose
the value system of the aggressor country on the population of the
other, regardless of their feelings on the matter. By passing sanctions
against countries because of human rights violations we are essentially
saying that we think your right to say what you want about your
government trumps your right to eat. Therefore, we won’t sell you
food or buy your products until your government gives you such rights
as we deem necessary for you to live freely. Obviously, if given
a choice between the Bill of Rights or a bowl of rice, most starving
people will choose the latter. Yet this is exactly the choice we
are denying them when we impose economic sanctions.
Another problem
with our policy of sanctions against third-world countries is that
they are extremely inconsistent. The United States trades heavily
with many countries that are hardly bastions of human rights recognition.
Among these are China and Vietnam, both of which are still ruled
by communist parties and which still refuse to recognize many basic
human rights.
The Chinese
government has erected possibly the largest spy network in the history
of the world, and is unjustly holding untold numbers of political
prisoners. There is no democracy in these countries and their people
have very limited freedom of speech, press or religion. However,
since the benefits of trading with China and other Asian nations
are so great, we gladly overlook these shortcomings. If you are
an advocate of sanctions in order to promote human rights, you should
think about how much of what you currently own and like to buy is
produced by people who don’t enjoy the same rights you do.
In fact, trade
with China, Vietnam, Myanmar, Cuba and all other countries is a
good thing. Where sanctions breed poverty, starvation, xenophobia,
anger, and war, trade brings prosperity, multiculturalism, tolerance
and peace. When we trade we are forced by necessity to overcome
our ignorance of foreign people. We learn each other’s languages
and cultures. We come to depend on each other and to see the world
as an interconnected whole rather than a chaotic collection of borders,
armies and clashing "national interests."
Not only does
international trade benefit the populations of both countries, it
also is much more effective than sanctions at bringing political
reform and recognition of human rights. The more prosperous a people
become the more political power they may wield regardless of the
system they live under. Once they have progressed beyond a meager
subsistence, people can pursue other things that are important to
them. As the silver screen’s most recent and most British masked
avenger said, "People should not be afraid of their governments.
Governments should be afraid of their people." That is unless their
people are weak from starvation, devoid of earthly possessions and
technologically deprived due to an inability to trade.
Some would
no doubt argue that such a desperate economic situation will lead
people to rebel against their government, thus paving the way for
regime change. Now, without delving into historical evidence, is
the probability of such an event happening so great and the superiority
of the outcome so sure that we feel justified in starving people
and destroying their livelihood in order to incite rebellion? And
that’s assuming that such a rebellion would be successful and not
merely result in massive loss of life and even worse tyranny than
before. This is no basis at all for foreign policy and a poor justification
for imposing sanctions.
Consider China’s
history and current situation. The China of the last half century
was one of the most despotic places on earth. Its people lived mainly
in abject poverty and millions died as a result. The cruelty to
which her population was subjected is almost incomprehensible. Yet
there was no successful rebellion and no regime change. Despite
prolonged international isolation, and universal policy failure,
the communist party did not crumble. It is trade that has opened
the door for increased liberty in China. If human rights are to
prevail there it will be because economic liberalization first blazed
the trail.
Today, despite
the continuing tight-fisted control exerted by China’s communist
party over the lives of its citizens, modernization and the transition
to a market economy have unleashed powerful forces in that country
that I believe will lead to decentralization and greatly expanded
individual freedom. We have already seen this process begin and
the trend will only gain momentum as the Chinese people become wealthier.
Their ability to travel, communicate, and thus to organize will
continue to be a relentless thorn in the side of their oppressors.
The forces unleashed by trade and economic liberalization, both
technological and economic in nature, are too powerful for any government
to control indefinitely.
Trade also
requires countries to develop consistent, reliable legal systems
and property rights laws. No one wants to trade with someone they
can’t trust, or within a legal system that is unpredictable and
indecipherable. It paves the way for economic liberalization and
the development of capital and consumer markets. This is precisely
what is happening in China, Vietnam and many other places. We could
expect similar results if we were to resume trade with Myanmar.
Our government doesn’t have to sell their government rocket propelled
grenades or smart bombs, but banning the sale or import of consumer
goods and services, foreign aid and foreign investment is absolutely
destructive and unbecoming of a people who claim to believe in liberty
and the value of human life. If we want to help the Burmese people,
let’s start by allowing them access to the necessities of life rather
than slowly killing them through forced international isolation.
April
1, 2006
Aaron
Singleton [send him mail]
is an economics student at Brigham Young University. Visit
his site.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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