A Different Perspective on the Two-Star Rebel
by
Phil Duffy
by Phil Duffy
The May 13/14,
2006 issue of The Wall Street Journal contained a front-page
article entitled, "The Two-Star Rebel," by Greg Jaffe,
which is the story of Major General John Batiste’s journey from
loyal support and participation in the Bush Administration’s Iraq
intervention to active dissent. The article is remarkable in the
sense that it contrasts with past editorial policy of this newspaper.
One might be cynical and say that the article merely represents
business reality. With the nation, and possibly the newspaper’s
readership, moving quickly away from Bush, The Wall Street Journal
cannot afford to offend its readers, nor can it afford being labeled
the last to get the message. There is another view, however, that
the editors’ professionalism has allowed them to maintain a wall
between editorial opinion and accurate reporting of the news.
And Batiste
is news. He is not the first retired general to criticize the Bush
Administration’s war policies. However, as reported by The Wall
Street Journal, "Gen. Batiste stands out among the generals
who have called for Rumsfeld to resign because he is the only one
to have served in a high position in the Pentagon and commanded
troops in Iraq. He turned down a promotion and retired last fall."
If for no other reason than this, The Wall Street Journal article
deserves close attention.
Feelings
of Abandonment of the Military
General Batiste
came from a military family and was raised on bases in the U.S.,
Europe and Iran. He has strong memories of his father, then a colonel,
returning from Vietnam to the greetings of his family at Dulles
Airport, but otherwise received unceremoniously. "The people
in the airport could not have cared less." Batiste shares the
feeling of many in the military "that the military was abandoned
by the American people and betrayed by the civilian leadership."
The article observes, "It is hard-wired into them (the U.S.
military) never to let that happen again," citing an opinion
voiced by Andrew Bacevich, a professor of International Relations
at Boston University and a retired Army colonel.
The Military
Officer’s Responsibility to Dissent
The article
points out that the truth about Vietnam may be more complex than
that, mentioning Army Colonel H.R. McMaster’s book, Dereliction
of Duty, which is a history of military leadership in Vietnam.
"Col. McMaster argues that the generals, split by rivalries
and eager to curry favor with their civilian bosses, acquiesced
to a policy they knew would fail in Vietnam, without raising serious
objections or offering alternative strategy." While one might
empathize with General Batiste’s feeling that his civilian leaders
put the troops in danger by insisting on unrealistic minimal troop
levels, the real issue is whether the military should have been
involved in Iraq in the first place. The article makes a good start
on the question of the military officer’s responsibility to dissent,
relating that Batiste was "haunted by something he had studied
during his days at the Army War College: the regrets of Gen. Harold
K. Johnson, the Army chief of staff during the Vietnam War."
Johnson had planned to simultaneously confront President Johnson
about his Vietnam War policy and then resign, but admitted he never
had the moral courage to execute his plan.
Dissent
and Just War Theory
Batiste has
resigned and he has publicly voiced dissent, but he may not be fully
confronting his conscience, or if he is, there could be something
terribly troubling going on in his mind and perhaps the minds of
the officer corp. Apparently Batiste’s dissent could be summarized
by his belief that "Mr. Rumsfeld had violated a fundamental
principle of war by sending in an invading force that was too small
to impose security after Saddam Hussein’s regime had collapsed."
It is true that this is one of the principles (called Probability
of Success) of a just war or Jus ad Bellum, but
there are six others, and all must be considered before war can
be ethically justified. The
principles as described in Wikipedia are,
- Just
Cause: Force may be used only to correct a grave public evil
(e.g. a massive violation of the basic rights of whole populations)
or in defense;
St Augustine
categorised just cause into three elements which justified warfare:
- defending
against an external attack
- recapturing
things taken
- punishing
people who have done wrong
A contemporary
view of just cause was expressed in 1993 when the US Catholic Conference
said: "Force may be used only to correct a grave, public evil,
i.e. aggression or massive violation of the basic human rights of
whole populations."
- Comparative
Justice: While there may be rights and wrongs on all sides
of a conflict, to override the presumption against the use of
force, the injustice suffered by one party must significantly
outweigh that suffered by the other;
- Legitimate
Authority: Only duly constituted public authorities
may use deadly force or wage war;
- Right
Intention: Force may be used only in a truly just cause and
solely for that purpose correcting a suffered wrong is
considered a right intention,
while material gain or maintaining economies is not;
- Probability
of Success: Arms may not be used in a futile cause or in a
case where disproportionate measures are required to achieve success;
- Proportionality:
The overall destruction expected from the use of force must be
outweighed by the good to be achieved.
- Last
Resort: Force may be used only after all peaceful and viable
alternatives have been seriously tried and exhausted.
One might argue
that one of the above principles was met in the intervention in
Iraq, but to argue that all seven criteria were met is absurd. Granted
that military officers at the level of the general rank should have
greater experience in the area of Probability of Success,
and that they might focus on that principle, it is still difficult
to see how raising troop levels to a half million or million troops
would have improved the morality of the action.
The Special
Case of Legitimate Authority for Military Officers
The principle
of Legitimate Authority was touched upon obliquely in the
article, but for any military officer this ought to be the beginning
of examination of conscience. There is a particularly troubling
statement in the article attributed to General Batiste, "But
the oath he swore throughout his 31-year Army career to ‘obey the
orders of the president’ has convinced him that he shouldn’t slight
President Bush. ‘I support my president.’" Earlier in the article
Batiste is quoted as saying that he had "spent the last 31
years of my life defending our great Constitution." Is it possible
that General Batiste (and perhaps many in the military officer corps)
have confused loyalties? Article II, Section 2 indeed identifies
the President as the Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of
the United States, … , when called into the actual Service of
the United States (emphasis added), …," but only Congress
can call the military into the service of conducting war (see Article
I, Section 8), and then only through a formal declaration of war,
which was not passed by Congress before President Bush initiated
military operations in Iraq. If any lesson were learned from the
debacle in Vietnam, it should have been that we as a nation, including
our military, looked the other way as our politicians did a short-cut
on the constitutional process of declaring war. In doing so, precedent
was confirmed in the minds of many who believed that the power to
initiate a war could be shifted to an aggressive president through
resolutions that could later be interpreted to excuse Congress.
A military
officer is required to take the following oath (see 5 USCode Sec.
3331 (01/24/94):
''I, AB,
do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the
Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign
and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the
same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation
or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge
the duties of the office on which I am about to enter. So help
me God.''
There is nothing
in this oath which requires a military officer to "obey the
orders of the president," only a requirement to "defend
the Constitution of the United States." The requirement of
a military officer to obey the war orders of the president is dependent
upon those orders being both constitutional and consistent with
Jus ad Bellum.
The Conflict
between Compliance with a Superior’s Orders and Ethics
In the eyes
of some, it is unreasonable to require that a military officer determine
the ethics and constitutionality of a superior’s orders. However,
to accept that premise is to deny the principles that arose from
the Nuremberg Trials after World War II. Most famously, the U.S.
military hung Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel, and General Alfred Jodl
for war crimes in spite of their protests that they "were only
following orders." Immediately following World War II, U.S.
military officers were indoctrinated with the lessons that came
out of those trials. One wonders if the message has been diluted
since the Vietnam era.
Loyalty
to Country and Dissent
General Batiste
should be applauded for taking the first step in standing up to
unethical orders of superiors, and The Wall Street Journal
for reporting his important journey toward his stated intent to
defend the Constitution. And we should note his concerns that for
some Americans "the only time they think about the war is when
they decide what color magnet ribbon to put on the back of their
car." But he should also note that there are some Americans
who have opposed this war on both ethical and constitutional grounds,
and that their dissent is based upon their loyalty to their country
and its constitution. Hopefully he will also understand that even
in the darkest days of Vietnam, this nation did not truly lose faith
in its military. In fact, some of those who opposed the wars in
Vietnam, and who today oppose the war in Iraq, were concerned that
members of our armed forces were being unnecessarily placed in harm’s
way for purposes that were outside of their constitutional employment.
Balancing
Security and Liberty
The citizens
of this nation are faced with a very real evil in fundamentalist
Islamic terrorism, although it is quite apparent that traditional
military resources cannot be effectively deployed against this evil.
One need only read The Qur’an and the gospels to see the
contrast in philosophies between the culture of the West and Islam.
Yet the enemy we face is essentially not a state-based enemy, like
Nazi Germany, and the use of traditional military resources is not
just ineffective, it is counter-productive. Nor do slogans such
as "The War on Terror" produce anything more than confusion
and divisiveness within our own ranks. We depend upon our military
to defend the citizens of this nation against conventional enemy
forces, not non-conventional cells of fanatics unified by religious
beliefs. An officer corps prepared to offer legitimate dissent to
power-seeking politicians is another potential facet of the separation
of powers principle that underlies our Constitution. The officer
corps’ ability to act upon its conscience serves to guard the liberties
of this nation’s citizens, but a military leadership cowed by its
political superiors provides fertile soil for tyranny. That is one
of the lasting lessons that came out of Nazi Germany.
May
22, 2006
Phil
Duffy [send him mail]
served as an Armor officer (Reserve) between 1956 and 1958. He was
assigned to the 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment which was responsible
for border patrol on the East/West German border immediately after
the Hungarian Revolution. The 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment is currently
deployed in Iraq under the command of Colonel H. R. McMaster, author
of Dereliction of Duty. Duffy is currently a software developer
in West Chester, Pennsylvania.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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