The New World Order in Science
by
Henry Bauer
by
Henry Bauer
Recently
by Henry Bauer: Suppression
of Science Within Science
I’m
going to sketch a chronology and analysis that draw on the history
of several centuries of science and on many volumes written about
that. In being concise, I’ll make some very sweeping generalizations
without acknowledging necessary exceptions or nuances. But the basic
story is solidly in the mainstream of history of science, philosophy
of science, sociology
of science, and the like, what’s nowadays called
"science & technology studies" (STS).
It never was
really true, of course, as the conventional wisdom tends even now
to imagine, that "the scientific method"
guarantees objectivity, that scientists work impersonally to discover
truth, that scientists are notably smarter, more trustworthy, more
honest, so tied up in their work that they neglect everything else,
don’t care about making money . . . But it is true
that for centuries scientists weren’t subject to multiple and powerful
conflicts of interest. There is no "scientific method."
Science is done by people; people aren’t objective. Scientists are
just like other professionals – to use a telling contemporary parallel,
scientists are professionals just like the wheelers and dealers
on Wall Street: not exactly dishonest, but looking out first and
foremost for Number One.
"Modern"
science dates roughly from the 17th century. It was driven by the
sheer curiosity of lay amateurs and the God-worshipping curiosity
of churchmen; there was little or no conflict of interest with plain
truth-seeking. The truth-seekers formed voluntary associations:
academies like the Royal Society of London. Those began to publish
what happened at their meetings, and some of those Proceedings
and Transactions have continued publication to the present
day. These meetings and publications were the first informal steps
to contemporary "peer review."
During
the 19th century, "scientist" became a profession, one
could make a living at it. Research universities were founded, and
with that came the inevitable conflict of interest between truth-seeking
and career-making, especially since science gained a very high status
and one could become famous through success in science. (An excellent
account is by David Knight in The
Age of Science.)
Still
it was pretty much an intellectual free market, in which the entrepreneurs
could be highly independent because almost all science was quite
inexpensive and there were a multitude of potential patrons and
sponsors, circumstances that made for genuine intellectual competition.
The portentous
change to "Big Science" really
got going in mid-20th century. Iconic of the
new circumstances remains the Manhattan Project to produce atomic
bombs. Its dramatic success strengthened the popular faith that
"science" can do anything, and very quickly, given enough
resources. More than half a century later, people still talk about
having a "Manhattan Project" to stop global warming, eradicate
cancer, whatever.
So
shortly after World War II, the National Science Foundation (NSF)
was established, and researchers could get grants for almost anything
they wanted to do, not only from NSF but also from the Atomic Energy
Commission, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, the Defense Advanced
Research Projects Agency (DARPA), the Department of the Interior,
the Agriculture Department . . . as well as from a number of private
foundations. I experienced the tail end of this bonanza after I
came to the United States in the mid-1960s. Everyone was getting
grants. Teachers colleges were climbing the prestige ladder to become
research universities, funded by grant-getting faculty "stars":
colleges just had to appoint some researchers, those would bring
in the moolah, that would pay for graduate students to do the actual
work, and the "overhead" or "indirect costs"
associated with the grants – often on the order of 25%, with private
universities sometimes even double that – allowed the institutions
to establish all sorts of infrastructure and administrative structures.
In the 1940s, there had been 107 PhD-granting universities in the
United States; by 1978 there were more than 300.
Institutions
competed with one another for faculty stars and to be ranked high
among "research universities," to get their graduate programs
into the 20 or so "Top Graduate Departments" – rankings
that were being published at intervals for quite a range of disciplines.
Everything
was being quantified, and the rankings pretty much reflected quantity,
because of course that’s what you can measure "objectively":
How many grants? How much money? How many papers published? How
many citations to those papers? How many students? How many graduates
placed where?
This quantitative
explosion quickly reached the limits of possible growth. That had
been predicted early on by Derek de Solla Price,
historian of science and pioneer of "scientometrics" and
"Science Indicators," quantitative measures of scientific
and technological activity. Price had recognized
that science had been growing exponentially with remarkable
regularity since roughly the 17th century: doubling about
every 15 years had been the numbers of scientific journals being
published, the numbers of papers being published in them, the numbers
of abstracts journals established to digest the flood of research,
the numbers of researchers . . . .
Soon
after WWII, Price noted, expenditures on research and development
(R&D) had reached about 2.5% of GDP in industrialized countries,
which meant quite obviously that continued exponential growth had
become literally impossible. And indeed the growth slowed, and quite
dramatically by the early 1970s. I saw recently that the Obama administration
expressed the ambition to bring R&D to 3% of GDP, so there’s
indeed been little relative growth in the last half century.
Now,
modern science had developed a culture based on limitless
growth. Huge numbers of graduates were being turned out, many
with the ambition to do what their mentors had done: become entrepreneurial
researchers bringing in grants wholesale and commanding a stable
of students and post-docs who could churn out the research and generate
a flood of publications. By the late 1960s or early 1970s, for example,
to my personal knowledge, one of the leading electrochemists in
the United States in one of the better universities was controlling
annual expenditures of many hundreds of thousands of dollars (1970s
dollars!), with several postdocs each supervising a horde of graduate
students and pouring out the paper.
The
change from unlimited possibilities to a culture of steady state,
to science as zero-sum game, represents a genuine crisis: If one
person gets a grant, some number of others don’t. The "success
rate" in applications to NSF or the National Institutes of
Health (NIH) is no
more than 25% on average nowadays,
less so among the not-yet-established institutions. So it would
make sense for researchers to change their aims, their beliefs about
what is possible, to stop counting success in terms of quantities:
but they can’t do that because the institutions that employ them
still count success in terms of quantity, primarily the quantity
of dollars brought in. To draw again on a contemporary analogy,
scientific research and the production or training of researchers
expanded in bubble-like fashion following World War II; that bubble
was pricked in the early 1970s and has been deflating with increasingly
obvious consequences ever since.
One
consequence of the bubble’s burst is that there are far too many
would-be researchers and would-be research institutions chasing
grants. Increasing desperation leads to corner-cutting and frank
cheating. Senior researchers established in comfortable positions
guard their own privileged circumstances jealously, and that means
in some part not allowing their favored theories and approaches
to be challenged by the Young Turks. Hence knowledge monopolies
and research cartels.
A
consequence of Big Science is that very few if any researchers can
work as independent entrepreneurs. They belong to teams or institutions
with inevitably hierarchical structures. Where independent scientists
owed loyalty first and foremost to scientific truth, now employee
researchers owe loyalty first to employers, grant-givers, sponsors.
(For this change in ideals and mores, see John Ziman, Prometheus
Bound, 1994.)
Science used to be compared to religion, and scientists to monks
– in the late 19th century, T. H. Huxley claimed quite
seriously to be giving Lay Sermons on behalf of the Church of Scientific;
but today’s scientists, as already said, are more like Wall Street
professionals than like monks.
Since
those who pay the piper call the tune, research projects are chosen
increasingly for non-scientific reasons; perhaps political ones,
as when President Nixon declared war on cancer at a time when the
scientific background knowledge made such a declaration substantively
ludicrous and doomed to failure for the foreseeable future. With
administrators in control because the enterprises are so large,
bureaucrats set the rules and make the decisions. For advice, they
naturally listen to the senior well-established figures, so grants
go only to "mainstream" projects.
Nowadays
there are conflicts of interest everywhere. Researchers benefit
from individual consultancies. University faculty establish personal
businesses to exploit their specialized knowledge which was gained
largely at public expense. Institutional conflicts of interest are
everywhere: There are university-industry collaborations; some universities
have toyed with establishing their own for-profit enterprises to
exploit directly the patents generated by their faculty; research
universities have whole bureaucracies devoted to finding ways to
make money from the university’s knowledge stock, just as the same
or parallel university bureaucracies sell rights to use the university’s
athletics logos. It is not at all an exaggeration to talk of an
academic-government-industry complex whose prime objective
is not the search for abstract scientific truth.
Widely
known is that President Eisenhower had warned of the dangers of
a military-industrial complex. Much less well known is that Eisenhower
was just as insightful and prescient about the dangers from Big
Science:
in
holding scientific research and discovery in respect . . . we
must also be alert to the . . . danger that public policy could
itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite
That describes in a nutshell today’s knowledge monopolies. A single
theory acts as dogma once the senior, established researchers have
managed to capture the cooperation of the political powers. The
media take their cues also from the powers that be and from the
established scientific authorities, so "no one" even knows
that alternatives exist to HIV/AIDS theory, to the theory that human
activities are contributing to climate change, that the Big Bang
might not have happened, that it wasn’t an asteroid that killed
the dinosaurs, and so on.
The
bitter lesson is that the traditionally normal process of science,
open argument and unfettered competition, can no longer be relied
upon to deliver empirically arrived at, relatively objective understanding
of the world’s workings. Political and social activism and public-relations
efforts are needed, as public policies are increasingly determined
by the actions of lobbyists backed by tremendous resources and pushing
a single dogmatic approach. No collection of scientifically impeccable
writings can compete against an International Panel on Climate Change
and a Nobel Peace Prize awarded for Albert Gore’s activism and "documentary"
film – and that is no prophesy, for the evidence is here already,
in the
thousands of well-qualified environmental scientists who have for
years petitioned for an unbiased analysis of the data.
No collection of scientifically impeccable writings can compete
against the National Institutes of Health, the World Health Organization,
UNAIDS, innumerable eminent charities like the Bill and Melinda
Gates Foundation, when it comes to questions of HIV and AIDS – and
again that is no prophesy, because the data have been clear for
a couple of decades that HIV is not, cannot be the cause of AIDS.
As
to HIV and AIDS, maybe the impetus to truth may come from politicians
who insist on finding out exactly what the benefits are of the roughly
$20 billion we – the United States – are spending annually under
the mistaken HIV/AIDS theory. Or maybe the impetus to truth may
come from African Americans, who may finally rebel against the calumny
that it is their reprehensible behavior that makes them 7 to 20
times more likely to test "HIV-positive" than their
white American compatriots; or perhaps from South African blacks
who are alleged to be "infected" at rates as high as 30%,
supposedly because they are continually engaged in "concurrent
multiple sexual relationships," having
multiple sexual partners at any given time but changing them every
few weeks or months. Or from
a court case or series of them, because of ill health caused by
toxic antiretroviral drugs administered
on the basis of misleading "HIV" tests; or perhaps because
one or more of the "AIDS denialists" wins libel judgment
against one or more of those who call them Holocaust deniers. Maybe
the impetus to truth may come from the media
finally seizing on any of the above as something "news-worthy."
At
any rate, the science has long been clear, and the need is for action
at a political, social, public-relations, level. In this age of
knowledge monopolies and research cartels, scientific truth
is suppressed by the most powerful forces in society. It used to
be that this sort of thing would be experienced only in Nazi Germany
or the Soviet Union, but nowadays it happens in democratic societies
as a result of what President Eisenhower warned against:
"public policy . . . become the captive of a scientific-technological
elite."
December
19, 2009
Henry
H. Bauer [send
him mail] is Dean Emeritus of Arts & Sciences and Professor
Emeritus of Chemistry & Science Studies at Virginia Tech. His
books about science and scientific unorthodoxies include Scientific
Literacy and the Myth of the Scientific Method
(1992), Science
or Pseudoscience (2001), and The
Origin, Persistence and Failings of HIV/AIDS Theory (2007).
He currently writes an HIV
Skepticism blog.
Copyright
© 2009 by LewRockwell.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in
part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given.
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