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Beijing
or Bust
by Ryan McMaken
by Ryan McMaken
Hating the
Olympics has become something of a favorite pastime among writers
wishing to prove their enlightened sensibilities. It has become
akin to hating urban sprawl, Starbucks, and Wal-Mart. The different
complaints are numerous: The Olympics are too commercial. The Olympics
are too political. The Olympics are too undemocratic and thus should
be made more political. The Olympics are too nationalistic.
Such scorn
has been heaped on the Olympic movement for years, and this year’s
winter games managed to attract special ire from the pundits since
the winter games, in addition to not being political or commercial
in the proper dosage, are also too elitist.
Consider comments
recently made by Paul Maidment at Forbes:
As it is
the Winter Olympics don't represent the true Olympic philosophy
of promoting global friendship through sport. They are dominated
– the infamous Jamaican Bobsled team notwithstanding – by the
hegemony of the cold climate cartel. Maybe global warming will
thin its ranks to the point where there aren't enough nations
to make it worth holding the winter games. We can only hope.
So there you
have it, the Winter Games are too European, or if you prefer, too
"white."
Reihan Salam
takes this argument to the logical next step by proclaiming that
the Winter Games are inherently racist and he presents "the
racial case
against the Winter Olympics" which consists primarily of pointing
out that the "multi-culti Summer Games" are superior to
the "lily-white Winter Olympics." Salam, of course, is
taking a cue from Paul Farhi who penned an article called "Where
the Rich and Elite Meet to Compete" in response to the
fact that the winter sports tend to feature expensive equipment,
and thus, are guilty of the unforgivable sin of being accessible
to the more well-to-do nations of the world.
Over on the
right wing, Diana Moon, in the American Conservative, has denounced
the Winter Games for being proletarian, and is horrified by the
"crudeness, vulgar nativism [as opposed to classy nativism,
I suppose], and callowness" that has wrecked the games. They
have done away with the good ol’ days when athletes (who weren’t
uppity like the athletes of today), were appropriately mindful of
their station in life and also "combined the excitement of
watching a great sporting event with going to an art-house cinema."
While the accusations
of elitism won’t be quite as prevalent for the "multi-culti"
summer games that will take place in Beijing in 2008, Moon’s distaste
for the Olympics will still be around as will be the myriad of Leftist
ideologues who would like to see the International Olympic Committee
go down in flames for being insufficiently democratic, too capitalist,
and just plain no good.
At the heart
of this discontent is the fact that the IOC is a private organization.
It makes decisions undemocratically, and it depends on marketing
itself to as broad an audience as possible through television coverage,
sponsorships, and lots of advertising. Naturally, the Left hates
that it’s a capitalist venture, and the right hates that it caters
to the hoi polloi, but in the end, the Olympic games are the most
popular and most prestigious sports festivals in the world, and
have remained so through decades of careful planning and marketing.
It is true
that public interest in the games has waned in recent years, and
that corruption, declining television ratings, and poor planning
have plagued recent games. But such problems are certainly not the
result of the Olympics being too commercial or too anything else.
Indeed, the problem with the Olympic Games is that they are not
nearly commercial enough.
Covering costs
has always been a big concern for the IOC. Since the first Olympic
games in Athens in 1896, the Olympics has struggled to come up with
all the capital, personnel, and advertising necessary to make the
games a success. Throughout the 20th century, advertising
has regularly provided a healthy piece of the funding, but the need
for capitalist-provided funds has conflicted with what some in the
movement have defined as a kind of purity of sport that allegedly
can’t survive the crassness of capitalist consumption.
For example,
prior to the 2006 Winter Games in Torino, promoters looked forward
to emphasizing the fact that TV coverage would make corporate ads
in the sports facilities themselves visible to viewers on screen
as they watched the athletes compete. Unfortunately, the Torino
committee ultimately decided to ensure that no ads within the arenas
and tracks were visible to viewers, supposedly to combat the image
of being too commercialized. Naturally, opportunities for millions
in revenue were lost out of a desire to keep viewers from being
scandalized by a Coca-Cola logo next to an ice rink.
This impulse
to pretend that the Olympics should be something other than a sports
festival paid for by advertisers and paying ticket holders has been
around since Pierre De Coubertin first conceived of the games as
an engine of world peace. In practice, however, the Olympics have
always been a product of 19th century bourgeois Europe,
the first age of mass consumption, and the first time in human history
when the majority of human beings actually had enough leisure time
to engage in regular competitions of sport.
The Olympics
would be impossible without the Industrial Revolution and without
mass consumption. In the pre-industrial age, mankind lived in the
grip of perennial grinding poverty and in fear of the general famines
that swept the land every several years. Workers – mostly agricultural
– would toil 16 hours a day six or seven days a week to stave off
hunger. For 99% or humanity, there was no chance for a weekend at
the beach or walks through the countryside, or taking part in sports
competitions. Large scale organized games were the realm of extremely
wealthy people who engaged in war games like jousting for the amusement
of other extremely wealthy people.
By the 19th
century, all that had changed, and workers began to spend their
newly attained free time engaging in organized sports and competing
against teams from other cities and towns. Others began to watch
such competitions as a form of leisure, and a sports competition
might accompany a day at the city park or an afternoon by the sea
side.
Mass production,
advertising, and entertainment for the masses were the order of
the day, and for the first time, life could be more than endless
hours of work occasionally punctuated by religious services, illness,
and death.
Drawing on
this new interest in sports, and concluding that proper physical
education might be good for his fellow Frenchmen and even somehow
help to avoid future wars, Coubertin founded the International Olympic
Committee and the first games were held in Athens with a mere 250
Athletes.
Athletes from
13 countries participated, but the Olympics were not organized as
a competition among nations. This is worth noting since the complaint
that the games promote nationalism has been proffered for a long
time. There is no doubt that nationalism regularly accompanies the
Olympic games, but little of the blame for this can really be placed
at the feet of the IOC. As the Olympics were designed to feature
athletes and not nations, at early Olympic games, the athletes wore
the uniforms of their private sports clubs. Then as now, medals
were given to individuals and not to national teams. The national
"medal counts" have always been a creature of journalists
and politicians and have never been officially counted by the IOC.
Yet, from the
beginning, politics has been marring the Olympics and the IOC. During
the planning stages of the 1900 Olympics in Paris, the French government
wrested control from Coubertin and incompetently staged the games
during the World Exhibition. The 1908 games in London were boycotted
by Irish athletes over British repression of the Irish independence
movement. Teams, which were becoming more "national" as
time went on, leveled charges of cheating at each other. Things
would only get worse with various boycotts for a variety of grievances
being enacted against the Olympics over the decades. The Nazis used
the Olympics in 1936 to showcase the supposed genetic superiority
of the Germans, and the Germans did indeed win the most medals that
year, pleasing Hitler.
Perhaps the
low point for the Olympics came in 1980 when the United States government,
at the urging of Jimmy Carter, led the largest-ever boycott of the
Summer Games in Moscow in retaliation for the Soviet invasion of
Afghanistan. While boycotts prior to that time often were voluntary
on the part of athletes, the United States made it known that any
American athlete who attempted to compete in the games would have
his or her passport revoked. Carter encouraged other governments
to enact similar policies, and in 1984, the Soviet Union reciprocated,
boycotting the 1984 Summer Games in Los Angeles. Thus, athletes
wishing to merely take part in athletic competition found themselves
to be pawns in a petty game of international rivalry.
Even without
international intrigue, though, a particularly unfortunate aspect
of the Olympics has been the tendency for governments to subsidize
the games – at the taxpayer’s expense, of course – as a prestige
project or as a misguided attempt at economic development. As Jesse
Walker has shown,
local governments pour endless streams of cash into building vast
complexes of sports facilities. Potential host cities wine and dine
members of the IOC selection committee in an effort to secure the
right to host the Olympics. This has taken its toll on the image
of the Olympics over the years as corruption has been uncovered
and as the vast sums of money used to build Olympic stadiums and
Olympic ice rinks seem progressively more excessive. This alliance
between government and the IOC has rightly done much to convince
many observers of the games that the IOC is at heart corrupt and
interested in extracting as many resources as possible from the
people of potential host cities around the world.
For the sake
of both the games and the hapless taxpayers who must supply the
funds for the construction of such utterly unnecessary facilities,
the IOC should abandon its cozy relationships with governments,
and adopt policies that encourage the use of existing sports facilities,
much like the World Games already does, and should refuse to accept
any taxpayer funding whatsoever.
To make up
for the lost revenue, the Olympic games should become as crassly
capitalistic as possible, plastering every square inch of the athlete’s
uniforms, the equipment, and the facilities with advertisements.
We should know exactly which faceless multi-national corporation
is sponsoring the uneven bars at every gymnastics competition, and
we should know just by looking at him that Athlete X is sponsored
in part by Merrill Lynch.
The idea that
athletics could somehow be divorced from the private concerns that
finance it has always been an awful idea. Athletes and ideologues
alike complain that athletics shouldn’t be tainted by the
vileness of commerce. Yes, well, my life shouldn’t be tainted
by the need to go to work five days a week, but that’s just not
the way the cosmos works. We should never forget that large-scale
sporting events for common people are made possible in the first
place by modern capitalism, so if athletes would like to see the
Olympic movement get back to its roots, they should be rooting for
the Olympics to become all the more capitalist, bourgeois, and supported
in full by the vile refuse of capitalist production and consumption.
In China, the
orgy of commerce has already begun. In preparation for 2008, many
of the usual global corporate players are lining up for big advertising
and sponsorship campaigns during the games, but numerous local,
private Chinese firms are looking to take advantage of the global
audience as well. Heng Yuan Xiang, a woolen clothes producer, has
signed up as a sponsor as has Tsingtao beer, both hoping to raise
their international profiles to perhaps approach levels enjoyed
by established sponsors like Coca-Cola. Chinese businessmen see
dollar signs. That’s good for China, it’s good for the Olympics,
and it’s good for the world.
The
Olympics has never managed to produce world peace or "social
justice," but it has managed to consistently provide one of
the most interesting sporting events in the world for over a century.
The pundits can complain of elitism or lack of democracy, or of
unsophisticated athletes, but ultimately, the Olympics will be judged
by those who pay the bills, and if the Olympic games keep delivering
the drama as they have been doing for decades, we can only hope
that the games will be around for a very long time.
Thanks
to Tim Gillin.
April
26, 2006
Ryan
McMaken [send him mail]
teaches political science in Colorado.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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