The Boys From Brazil
by
William S. Lind
by William S. Lind
A point I have
made repeatedly in these columns is that Fourth Generation war includes
far more than America’s current battle with Islamic "terrorists."
Last week, events in Brazil offered us a timely reminder of that
fact. There, a gang, the PCC or First Command of the Capital, launched
a full-scale military attack on the Brazilian state.
The PCC’s
actions illustrated a number of ways in which non-state forces deal
with opposing states. The first is penetration. When a top-level
meeting of Brazilian officials decided to act against the gang by
transferring some of its leaders to a high-security prison, the
gang immediately knew of the decision. How? It had a mole in the
meeting, a contractor employed as a court reporter.
Then, the
gang showed that flat, networked organizations can move far faster
than a state, with its bureaucratic hierarchy. As a story in the
May 21 Washington Post reported, "Within hours of that
meeting, news of the transfer plan had spread through the gang’s
prison-based network…" How? The Post story says, "After
word of the planned transfer was passed to the gang’s leaders, coordinating
the uprisings was easy. They simply called each other on their cellphones."
Their cellphone security is simple but effective: "According
to police, the gang often clones legitimate cellphone numbers for
illegal use."
While prison
riots are common in Brazil, the PCC demonstrated an ability to reach
far beyond the prisons. In the city of Sao Paulo, they launched
military-style attacks on police and civilian infrastructure targets.
The Post reports that
Riots broke
out in more than 70 state penitentiaries. Gang members outside
prisons attacked police stations, burned more than 60 public buses
and whipped up a general state of terror that paralyzed Brazil’s
Sao Paulo…
As of Saturday
(May 20), the death count totaled 41 police officers, 18 inmates,
107 suspected PCC members outside prisons and four civilians.
Demonstrating
the often-excellent intelligence capabilities of non-state organizations,
"The gang members also know where the police live…Some of the
officers who died during the outbreaks were killed near their homes
while off duty."
The PCC
does what gangs do, namely use violence and make money off crime,
especially the drug trade. But its origins illustrate the role non-state
entities have in providing services states fail to offer. The Washington
Post story notes that
(The PCC’s)
strength had been feeding on the weakness of government for years.
The PCC was founded in 1993 as a response to the abysmal conditions
in Sao Paulo’s prisons, where inmates lived in fear of each other,
sleeping in overcrowded cells with no beds, no blankets, no soap,
no toothbrushes.
By offering
protection and basic necessities to new inmates, the gang won
the loyalty of most prisoners in a population that now numbers
124,400…the PCC has repeatedly won minor improvements in conditions
in some facilities. That has earned them favor not only with the
inmates, but with the family members who provide the basic goods
that PCC members distribute inside the prison blocs.
Nor does
the PCC work only in ways that are illegal. The Post writes
that "the gang also employs a network of attorneys…"
The PCC
emerges from the Post account and from its uprising in Sao
Paulo as almost a model Fourth Generation organization, operating
a network of structures parallel to those of the state that work
more effectively than the state’s institutions. As the state retreats
into ever-greater corruption and incapacity, the PCC has advanced
by filling in the widening gaps. It has now reached the point where
it can confront the state directly, while I think it is safe to
say that the state cannot defeat much less destroy the PCC.
Not
only does this offer us a Fourth Generation model very different
from what we confront in al Qaeda (it is more like Hamas and Hezbollah),
it may also present a picture of what America will face coming out
of its own prisons. Most American prisons are run not by the state
but by racially-defined gangs. A prisoner’s well-being, even his
survival, depends on his gang, not on the prison authorities. How
long will it be before those gangs, like the PCC, will be able to
reach outside the prisons and confront the American state? Police
in cities such as Los Angeles might say that is happening now.
May
26, 2006
William
Lind [send him mail]
is Director of the Center for Cultural Conservatism at the Free
Congress Foundation. The views expressed in this article are those
of Mr. Lind, writing in his personal capacity.
Copyright
© 2006 William S. Lind
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