The Wedding Crashers
by
Tom
Engelhardt
by Tom Engelhardt
DIGG THIS
A Short
Till-Death-Do-Us-Part History of Bush's Wars
It was a tribal
affair. Against a picture-perfect
sunset, before a beige-colored cross and an altar made of the
very Texas limestone that was also used to build her family's "ranch,"
veil-less in an Oscar de la Renta gown, the 26-year-old bride said
her vows. More than 200 members of her extended family and friends
were on hand, as well as the 14 women in her "house
party," who were dressed "in seven different styles of knee-length
dresses in seven different colors that match[ed] the palette of…
wildflowers blues, greens, lavenders and pinky reds." Afterwards,
in a white tent set in a grove of trees and illuminated by strings
of lights, the father of the bride, George W. Bush, danced with
his daughter to the strains of "You Are So Beautiful." The media
was kept at arm's length and the vows were private, but undoubtedly
they included the phrase "till death do us part."
That was early
May of this year. Less than two months later, halfway across the
world, another tribal affair was underway. The age of the bride
involved is unknown to us, as is her name. No reporters were clamoring
to get to her section of the mountainous backcountry of Afghanistan
near the Pakistani border. We know almost nothing about her circumstances,
except that she was on her way to a nearby village, evidently early
in the morning, among a party 7090 strong, mostly women, "escorting
the bride to meet her groom as local tradition dictates."
It was then
that the American plane (or planes) arrived, ensuring that she would
never say her vows. "They stopped in a narrow location for rest,"
said one witness about her house party, according
to the BBC. "The plane came and bombed the area." The district
governor, Haji Amishah Gul, told
the British Times, "So far there are 27 people, including
women and children, who have been buried. Another 10 have been wounded.
The attack happened at 6:30AM. Just two of the dead are men, the
rest are women and children. The bride is among the dead."
U.S. military
spokespeople flatly denied the story. They claimed that Taliban
insurgents had been "clearly identified" among the group. "[T]his
may just be normal, typical militant propaganda," said 1st Lieutenant
Nathan Perry. Despite accounts of the wounded, including women and
children, being brought to a local hospital, Captain Christian Patterson,
coalition media officer, insisted:
"It was not a wedding party, there were no women or children present.
We have no reports of civilian casualties." The members of an Afghan
inquiry, appointed by President Hamid Karzai, later
found that, in all, 47 civilians had died, including 39 women
and children, and nine others were wounded.
Here's another
American take on what happened: "The US military has denied
allegations that its forces… killed dozens of people celebrating
a marriage… 'We took hostile fire and we returned fire,' said Brigadier
General Mark Kimmitt, deputy director of operations… He said there
were no indications that the victims of the attack were part of
a wedding party."
Oh, my mistake.
Kimmitt was denying that a different wedding party had been obliterated
in the Western Iraqi desert, near the Syrian border, in May
2004. In that case, the wedding feast was long over. The celebrations
had ended and the guests were evidently in bed when the U.S. jets
arrived. More than 40 people died, including children, women, musicians,
and a well-known Iraqi wedding singer hired for the event. According
to Rory McCarthy of the British Guardian, who interviewed
some of the hospitalized survivors, 27 members of one extended family
died when the jets arrived.
In response
to reports on that 2004 slaughter, Major General James Mattis, commander
of the 1st Marine Division, asked the following question: "How many
people go to the middle of the desert... to hold a wedding 80 miles
from the nearest civilization?" And, in an email responding to questions
from a New York Times reporter, General Kimmitt later offered
what was, by U.S. military standards, little short of an admission:
"Could there have been a celebration of some type going on?... Certainly.
Bad guys have celebrations. Could this have been a meeting among
the foreign fighters and smugglers? That is a possibility. Could
it have involved entertainment? Sure. However, a wedding party in
a remote section of the desert along one of the rat lines, held
in the early morning hours strains credulity."
The comments
of Mattis and Kimmitt deserve, of course, to go directly into the
annals of American military quotes, right next to that Vietnam era
classic: "It became necessary to destroy the town to save it."
But back to
the subject of collateral ceremonial damage in Afghanistan. Consider
this passage
from a news report headlined, "No US Apology over Wedding Bombing,"
in the Guardian:
"Afghans
claim the wedding guests, who were celebrating near Deh Rawud village,
in the mountainous province of Oruzgan, north of Kandahar, had been
firing into the air a Pashtun wedding tradition when
American planes struck. But a U.S. spokesman claimed yesterday that
the shooting was 'not consistent' with a wedding, saying that the
planes had come under attack. 'Normally when you think of celebratory
fire... it's random, it's sprayed, it's not directed at a specific
target,' said Colonel Roger King at the U.S. airbase at Bagram.
'In this instance, the people on board the aircraft felt that the
weapons were tracking them and were [trying] to engage them.'"
That was indeed
Afghanistan not in July 2006, however, but four Julys earlier,
when at least 30 people in a wedding party were wiped out, most
of them, again, reportedly women and children. Here's how Abdullah
Abdullah, the Afghan foreign minister at the time, described that
American air attack. It killed, he said, "a whole family of 25 people.
No single person was left alive. This is the extent of the damage."
Oh, and let's
not forget the ur-incident in wedding party destruction in Bush's
wars. In late December 2001, a B-52 and two B-1B bombers, using
precision-guided weapons, essentially wiped out a village in Eastern
Afghanistan (and then, in a second strike, took out Afghans digging
in the rubble). At the time, it was claimed that Taliban and al-Qaeda
leaders had been killed "in their sleep." It was also claimed that
surface-to-air missiles had been fired at the American planes. A
spokesman for the U.S. Central Command issued a congratulatory statement
after the attack occurred with this passage: "Follow-on reporting
indicates that there was no collateral damage."
Except, of
course, as Guardian correspondent Rory Carroll, then in Afghanistan,
put
it, "bloodied children's shoes and skirts, bloodied school books,
the scalp of a woman with braided grey hair, butter toffees in red
wrappers, wedding decorations. The charred meat sticking to rubble
in black lumps could have been Osama bin Laden's henchmen but survivors
said it was the remains of farmers, their wives and children, and
wedding guests."
In fact, according
to Time
Magazine's Tim McGirk, out of 112 Afghans in the wedding
party, only two women survived. In this case, it seems that the
Americans were fed disinformation by an Afghan official out to settle
scores and acted on it.
That makes
four wedding parties blown away by U.S. air power in Iraq and Afghanistan
since the end of 2001. And there was probably at least one more.
Back
in May 2002, it was claimed that U.S. helicopters wiped out
a wedding party in the eastern Afghan province of Khost, killing
10 and wounding many more. An Agence France Presse report at the
time concluded: "A wedding was in progress in the village when people
fired into the air in traditional celebration and US helicopters
flying over the area could have mistaken it for hostile fire. An
aircraft later bombed the area for several hours." On this event,
however, the documentation is far poorer.
All these
"incidents" have some obvious features in common: the almost immediate
claims by the U.S. military, for instance, that those who have been
hit were adversaries, not wedding parties; the ultimate dismissal
of the killings as the usual "collateral damage" in wartime; and,
above all, the striking fact that, for none of these slaughters
of celebrating locals, did the U.S. ever offer a genuine apology.
The mainstream
media tends to pick up such stories as he
said/she said affairs. Of course, "she" never actually "says"
anything, being dead. But you get the idea. As with the most recent
Afghan wedding-party slaughter, such pieces generally wire
service stories are to be found deep inside American newspapers
where only the news jockeys are reading. In fact, your basic wedding
party wipe-out report is almost certain to share at least some space
in the story with a mini-round-up of other kinds of recent death
and mayhem in the region in question. The language in which such
stories are written is generally humdrum and, in the military mode,
death is sanitized (except
in rare instances like Carroll's fine reports for the Guardian).
We Americans
have only had one experience of death delivered from the air since
World War II the attacks of September 11, 2001. As no one
is likely to forget, they shocked us to our core. And you know how
those deaths were covered, right down to the special pages filled
with bios of civilians who just happened to be in the wrong place
at the wrong time, and the repeated invocations of the barbarism
of al-Qaeda's killers (and barbarism it truly was).
These wedding
parties, however, get no such treatment. Initially, they are automatically
assumed to be malevolent until the reports begin to filter
in from the hospitals, the ruined villages, and the graveyards,
and, by then, it's usually too late for much press attention. When
that does happen, their deaths are chalked up to an "errant
bomb," or that celebratory gunfire, or no explanation is even
offered.
Nothing
barbaric lurks here, even though we can be sure that these civilians
were hardly less surprised by the arrival of the attacking planes
than were the victims of 9/11. For their deaths, no word portraits
are ever painted. No one in our world thinks to memorialize them,
nor is there any cumulative record of their deaths. Whole extended
families have been wiped out, while the dead and wounded run into
the hundreds, and yet who remembers?
Here's the
truth of it: In Bush's wars, the wedding singer dies, the bride
does not get a chance to run away, and the event might be relabeled
my big, fat, collateral damage wedding.
In the process,
we have become a nation of wedding crashers, the uninvited guests
who arrived under false pretenses, tore up the place, offered nary
an apology, and refused to go home. It's a remarkable record, really,
and catches the nature
of the Bush administration's air war not on, but of and for
terror in a particularly raw way. And yet, in this country, when
the latest wedding party went down, no reporter seems even to have
recalled our past history of wedding-party obliteration. So it goes.
July
14, 2008
Tom
Engelhardt [send him mail]
who
runs the Nation Institute's TomDispatch.com, is the co-founder of
the American Empire
Project. His book, The
End of Victory Culture, has recently been updated in a newly
issued edition. He edited, and his work appears in, the first best
of TomDispatch book, The
World According to TomDispatch: America in the New Age of Empire
(Verso), which is being published this month. A brief video in
which Engelhardt discusses American mega-bases in Iraq can be viewed
by clicking
here.
Copyright
© 2008 Tom Engelhardt
Tom
Engelhardt Archives
|