The Pentagon's Stealth Corporations
by
Tom
Engelhardt
and Nick Turse
by Tom Engelhardt
and Nick Turse
DIGG THIS
At $34 billion,
you're already counting pretty high. After all, that's Harvard's
endowment;
it's the amount
of damage the triple hurricanes Charley, Ivan, and Jeanne
inflicted in 2004; it's what car crashes involving 15-to-17-year-old
teenage drivers mean
yearly in "medical expenses, lost work, property damage, quality
of life loss and other related costs"; it's the loans the nation's
largest, crippled, home lender, Countrywide Financial, holds
for home-equity lines of credit and second liens; it's Citigroup's
recent
write-off, mainly for subprime exposure; it's what New Jersey's
tourism industry is worth
and, according
to the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, it's
the minimal figure for the Pentagon's "black budget" for fiscal
year 2009 money for, among other things, "classified weapons
purchases and development," money for which the Pentagon will remain
unaccountable because almost no Americans will have any way of knowing
what it's being spent for.
Now, imagine
that, due to a little more Pentagon/Bush administration wizardry,
even this black budget estimate is undoubtedly a low-ball figure.
One reason is simple enough: The proposed $541 billion Pentagon
2009 budget doesn't
even include money for actual wars. George W. Bush's wars are
all paid for by "supplemental" bills like the $162
billion one Congress will soon pass so the Department
of Defense's $34 billion black budget skips "war-related funding."
This means that even the overall figure for that budget remains
darker than we might imagine (as in "black hole"). The Pentagon
not only produces stealth planes, it is, in budgetary terms, a stealth
operation. If honestly
accounted, the actual Pentagon yearly budget, including all
the "military-related" funds salted away elsewhere, is probably
now more than $1
trillion a year.
There is,
however, another stealth side to the Pentagon the corporate
side where a range of giant companies you've never heard of are
gobbling up our tax dollars at phenomenal rates. Nick Turse, author
of the single best account of how our lives are being militarized,
our civilian economy Pentagonized, and the Pentagon privatized
I'm talking about The
Complex: How the Military Invades Our Everyday Lives
now turns to the stealth corporate side of the Pentagon to give
us a glimpse into the larger black hole into which our dollars pour.
~ Tom
Billion-Dollar
Babies: Five Stealth Pentagon Contractors Reaping Billions of Tax Dollars
By Nick
Turse
The top
Pentagon contractors, like death and taxes, almost never change.
In 2002, the massive arms dealers Lockheed Martin, Boeing, and
Northrop Grumman ranked one, two, and three among Department of
Defense contractors, taking in $17 billion, $16.6 billion, and
$8.7 billion. Lockheed, Boeing, and Northrop Grumman did it again
in 2003 ($21.9, $17.3, and $11.1 billion); 2004 ($20.7, $17.1,
and $11.9 billion); 2005 ($19.4, $18.3, and $13.5 billion); 2006
($26.6, $20.3, and $16.6 billion); and, not surprisingly, 2007
as well ($27.8, $22.5, and $14.6 billion). Other regulars receiving
mega-tax-funded payouts in a similarly clockwork-like manner include
defense giants General Dynamics, Raytheon, the British weapons
maker BAE Systems, and former Halliburton subsidiary KBR, as well
as BP, Shell, and other power players from the military-petroleum
complex.
With the
basic Pentagon budget
now clocking in at roughly $541 billion per year before
"supplemental" war funding for Iraq, Afghanistan, and the President's
Global War on Terror, as well as national security spending by
other agencies, are factored in even Lockheed's hefty $28
billion take is a small percentage of the massive total. Obviously,
significant sums of money are headed to other companies. However,
most of them, including some of the largest, are all but unknown
even to Pentagon-watchers and antiwar critics with a good grasp
of the military industrial complex.
Last year,
in a piece headlined
"Washington's $8 Billion Shadow," Vanity Fair published an
exposé of one of the better-known large stealth contractors, SAIC
(Science Applications International Corporation). SAIC, however,
is just one of tens of thousands of Pentagon contractors. Many of
these firms receive only tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars
from the Pentagon every year. Some take home millions, tens of millions,
or even hundreds of millions of dollars.
Then there's
a select group that are masters of the universe in the ever-expanding
military-corporate
complex, regularly scoring more than a billion tax dollars a
year from the Department of Defense. Unlike Lockheed, Boeing, and
Northrop Grumman, however, most of these billion-dollar babies
manage to fly beneath the radar of media (not to mention public)
attention. If appearing at all, they generally do so innocuously
in the business pages of newspapers. When it comes to their support
for the Pentagon's wars and occupations in Afghanistan and Iraq,
they are, in media terms, missing in action.
So, who
are some of these mystery defense contractors you've probably
never heard of? Here are snapshot portraits, culled largely from
their own corporate documents, of five of the Pentagon's secret
billion-dollar babies:
1. MacAndrews
& Forbes Holdings Inc.
Total
DoD dollars in 2007: $3,360,739,032
This is
billionaire investor Ronald
Perelman's massive holding company. It has "interests in a
diversified portfolio of public and private companies" that includes
the cosmetics maker Revlon and Panavision (the folks who make
the cameras that bring you TV shows like 24 and CSI).
MacAndrews & Forbes might, at first blush, seem an unlikely defense
contractor, but one of those privately owned companies it holds
is AM General the folks who make the military Humvee. Today,
says the company, nearly 200,000 Humvees have been "built and
delivered to the U.S. Armed Forces and more than 50 friendly overseas
nations." Humvees, however, are only part of the story.
AM
General has also assisted Carnegie Mellon University researchers
in developing robots for the Pentagon blue-skies outfit, the Defense
Advanced Research Projects Agency's "Grand Challenge," an autonomous
robot-vehicle competition. Last year, AM General and General Dynamics
Land Systems, a subsidiary of mega-weapons maker General Dynamics,
formed
a joint venture "to compete for the U.S. Army and Marine Corps Joint
Light Tactical Vehicle (JLTV) program." AM General has even gone
to war dispatching its "field service representatives" and
"maintenance technical representatives" to Iraq where they were
embedded with U.S. troops.
As such,
it's hardly surprising that, earlier this year, the company received
one of the Defense Logistics Agency's Outstanding Readiness Support
Awards. Nor should anyone be surprised to discover that a top
MacAndrews & Forbes corporate honcho, Executive Vice Chairman
and Chief Administrative Officer Barry F. Schwartz, contributed
a total of at least $10,000 to Straight Talk America, the political
action committee of presidential candidate John
McCain, who famously said
it would be "fine" with him if U.S. troops occupied Iraq for "maybe
a hundred years" (if not "a thousand" or "a million").
Perhaps
hedging their bets just a bit, MacAndrews & Forbes is diversifying
into an emerging complex-within-the-Complex: homeland security.
Recently, AM General sold the Department of Homeland Security's
Border Patrol "more than 100 HUMMER K-series trucks for use in
border security operations."
2. DRS
Technologies, Inc.
Total
DoD dollars in 2007: $1,791,321,140
Incorporated
during the Vietnam War, DRS Technologies has
long been "a leading supplier of integrated products, services
and support to military forces, intelligence agencies and prime
contractors worldwide"; that is, they have been in the business
of fielding products that enhance some of the DoD's deadliest
weaponry, including "DDG-51 Aegis destroyers, M1A2 Abrams Main
Battle Tanks, M2A3 Bradley Fighting Vehicles, OH-58D Kiowa Warrior
helicopters, AH-64 Apache helicopters, F/A-18E/F Super Hornet
and F-16 Fighting Falcon jet fighters, F-15 Eagle tactical fighters…
[and] Ohio, Los Angeles and Virginia class submarines." They even
have "contracts that support future military platforms, such as
the DDG-1000 destroyer, CVN-78 next-generation aircraft carrier,
Littoral Combat Ship and Future Combat System."
In addition
to 2007's haul of Pentagon dollars, DRS Technologies has continued
to clean up in 2008 for a range of projects, including: a $16.2
million Army contract
for refrigeration units; $51 million in new orders from the Army
for thermal weapon sights (part of a five-year, $2.3-billion deal
inked in 2007); a $10.1 million contract to build more than 140
M989A1 Heavy Expanded Mobility Ammunition Trailers (to transport
"numerous and extremely heavy Multiple Launch Rocket System pods,
palletized or non-palletized conventional ammunition and fuel
bladders"); and a $23 million deal
"to provide engineering support, field service support and general
depot repairs for the Mast Mounted Sights (MMS) on OH-58 Kiowa
Warrior attack helicopters," among many other contracts.
Fitch Ratings,
an international credit rating agency, recently made
a smart, if perhaps understated, point one that actually
fits all of these billion-dollar babies. DRS, it wrote, "has benefited
from the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan…"
3. Harris
Corporation
Total
DoD dollars in 2007: $1,501,163,834
Harris is
"an international communications and information technology company
serving government, defense and commercial markets in more than
150 countries." It has an annual revenue of more than $4 billion
and an impressive roster of former
military personnel and other military-corporate complex insiders
on its payroll. Not only does Harris assist and do business with
a number of the Pentagon's largest contractors (like Lockheed
Martin and BAE Systems), it is also an active participant in occupations
abroad. On its website, the company boasts
that "Harris technology has been used for a variety of commercial
and defense applications, including the War in Iraq where the
[Harris software] system provided detailed, 3-D representations
of Baghdad and other key Iraqi cities."
Last year,
Harris signed multiple deals with the military, including contracts
to create a high-speed digital data link that transmits tactical
video, radar, acoustic, and other sensor data from Navy MH-60R
helicopters to their host ships. It also supplies the Navy with
advanced computers that provide the "highly sophisticated moving
maps and critical mission information via cockpit displays" used
by flight crews.
In the first
six months of this year, Harris has continued its hard work for
the Complex. In January, the company was
"selected by the U.S. Air Force for the Network and Space Operations
and Maintenance (NSOM) program" for "a base contract and six options
that bring the potential overall value to $410 million over six-and-a-half-years"
to provide "operations and maintenance support to the 50th Space
Wing's Air Force Satellite Control Network at locations around
the world."
In May, the
company was
"awarded a three-year, $20 million contract by [top 10 Pentagon
contractor] L3 Communications to provide products and services for
a next-generation Tactical Video Capture System (TVCS)" a
system that integrates real-time video streams to enhance tactical
training exercises "that will support training at various
U.S. Marine Corps locations across the U.S. and abroad." That same
month, Harris was
also "awarded a potential five-year, $85 million Indefinite
Delivery/Indefinite Quantity (IDIQ) contract from the U.S. Navy
for multiband satellite communications terminals that will provide
advanced communications for aircraft carriers and other large deck
ships."
In addition,
Harris is now hard at work in the Homeland. Not only did the company
pick up more than $3 million from the Department of Homeland Security
last year, but national security expert Tim Shorrock, in a 2007
CorpWatch article,
"Domestic Spying, Inc.," specifically noted that Harris and fellow
intelligence industry contractors "stand to profit from th[e]
unprecedented expansion of America's domestic intelligence system."
4. Navistar
Defense
Total
DoD dollars in 2007: $1,166,805,361
Still listed
in Pentagon documents under its old name, International Military
and Government, LLC, Navistar is the military subsidiary of Navistar
International Corporation "a holding company whose individual
units provide integrated and best-in-class transportation solutions."
While the company has served the U.S. military since World War
I, it's known, if at all, by the public for making some of the
Mine Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) vehicles designed
to thwart Iraqi roadside bombs. As of April 2008, the U.S. military
had "ordered 5,214 total production MaxxPro MRAP vehicles" from
Navistar and, that same month, the company was awarded
"a contract valued at more than $261 million… for engineering
upgrades to the armor used on International MaxxPro MRAP vehicles."
But Navistar
makes more than MRAPs. Just last month, the company signed
a "multi-year contract valued at nearly $1.3 billion" with the
U.S. Army "to provide Medium Tactical Vehicles and spare parts
to the Afghanistan National Police, Afghan National Army, and
the Iraqi Ministry of Defense." This followed a 2005 multi-year
Army contract, worth $430 million, "for more than 2,900 vehicles
and spare parts."
Quite obviously,
the company is significantly, profitably, and proudly involved
in the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan. As Tom Feifar, the
Global Defense and Export general manager for Navistar Parts,
put it late last year, "It's an honor to be a part of the effort
to support our troops."
5. Evergreen
International Airlines
Total
DoD dollars in 2007: $1,105,610,723
A privately
held global aviation services company, it has subsidiaries in
related industries such as helicopter aviation (Evergreen Helicopters,
Inc.), as well as a few unrelated efforts like producing "agricultural,
nursery and wine products" (Evergreen Agricultural Enterprises,
Inc.). Evergreen has been on the Pentagon's payroll for a long
time. Back in 2004, Ed Connolly, the executive vice president
of Evergreen International Airlines, stated, "Evergreen has flown
continuously for the [U.S. Air Force] Air Mobility Command since
1975 and is proud to continue its long standing history of supporting
the U.S. Armed Forces global missions with quality and reliable
services."
Not surprisingly,
Evergreen has been intimately involved in the occupation of Iraq.
In fact, in 2004, the company received
"approximately 200 awards for its support of international airlift
services during the Iraq war" from the Air Force's Air Mobility
Command. An Air Force general even handed out these medals and
certificates of achievement to Evergreen's employees.
In Amnesty
International's 2006 report,
"Below the Radar: Secret Flights to Torture and ‘Disappearance,'"
the human rights organization noted that Evergreen was one of only
a handful of private companies with current permits to land at U.S.
military bases worldwide. That same year, the company even airlifted
FOX News personality Bill O'Reilly and his TV show crew to Kuwait
and Iraq to meet and greet troops, sign books and pictures, and
hand out trinkets. And just last year the company was part of a
consortium, including such high-profile commercial carriers as American,
Delta, and United Airlines that the Pentagon awarded a "$1,031,154,403
firm fixed-price contract for international airlift services… [that]
is expected to be completed September 2008."
Under
the Radar
All told,
these five stealth corporations from the military-corporate complex
received more than $8.9 billion in taxpayer dollars in 2007. To
put this into perspective, that sum is almost $2 billion more
than the Bush administration's proposed 2009 budget for the
Environmental Protection Agency. Put another way, it's about nine
times what one-sixth of the world's population spent on food
last year.
Tens of
thousands of defense contractors from well-known "civilian"
corporations (like Coca-Cola, Kraft, and Dell) to tiny companies
have fattened
up on the Pentagon and its wars. Most of the time, large or
small, they fly under the radar and are seldom identified as defense
contractors at all. So it's hardly surprising that firms like
Harris and Evergreen, without name recognition outside their own
worlds, can take in billions in taxpayer dollars without notice
or comment in our increasingly militarized civilian economy.
When
the history of the Iraq War is finally written, chances are that
these five billion-dollar babies, and most of the other defense
contractors involved in making the U.S. occupation possible, will
be left out. Until we begin coming to grips with the role of such
corporations in creating the material basis for an imperial foreign
policy, we'll never be able to grasp fully how the Pentagon works
and why we so regularly make war in, and carry out occupations of,
distant lands.
June
25, 2008
Tom
Engelhardt [send him mail]
who
runs the Nation Institute's TomDispatch.com, is the co-founder of
the American Empire
Project. His book, The
End of Victory Culture, has recently been updated in a newly
issued edition. He edited, and his work appears in, the first best
of TomDispatch book, The
World According to TomDispatch: America in the New Age of Empire
(Verso), which is being published this month. Nick Turse is the
associate editor and research director of Tomdispatch.com. He has
written for the Los
Angeles Times, the San Francisco Chronicle, Adbusters,
The Nation, and regularly for Tomdispatch.com. His first
book, The
Complex: How the Military Invades Our Everyday Lives, an
exploration of the new military-corporate complex in America, was
recently published by Metropolitan Books. His website, Nick
Turse.com has been newly revamped and expanded.
Copyright
© 2008 Nick Turse
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