Fool's Gold
by
Sean Corrigan
by Sean Corrigan
In
his memoirs, in his despair at what he saw as his inability to get
the fragile sapling of economic reason to take a firm root, Mises
himself was once moved to ask:
"Is
the attempt to guide the people on the right road not hopeless,
especially when we recognize that men like John Maynard Keynes,
Bertrand Russell, Harold Laski and Albert Einstein could not comprehend
economic problems?"
Indeed,
we have to agree.
In
fact, it would provide fertile ground for a doctoral thesis in that
Just-So-Story ‘discipline’ of evolutionary psychology to speculate
on whether there is something hard-wired into our atavistic, hunter-gatherer
brains which does this.
Did
all those years supposedly spent on the sun-baked Savannah
mean we have been stubbornly tuned to the instant gratification
of the kill and to the visible apportionment of its spoils among
the familiar and ever-present members of our band?
If
so, is this what makes it such a struggle to attain a full grasp
of the phenomena associated with divided labour, indirect exchange,
and ‘roundabout’ methods of production?
We’re
sorely tempted to answer in the affirmative, for the idea of Keynes’
own frontal lobes consisting of little more than an economic "barbarous
relic" is an irony almost too delicious to resist!
Thus,
the job of eradicating economic errors often seems, as Mises’ lament
implies, a Sisyphean task.
Picture
the poor Austrian, doomed to the eternal task of heaving his rock
of enlightenment up the hill of ignorance only to have it
slide from his sweaty grasp, to the diabolical glee of the Inflationist
ghoul inevitably supervising his torment.
For
example, there is presently a series of polemics rattling around
the websites normally frequented by Armageddonist gold bugs and
millenary financial doomsters, all emanating from the pen of Antal
Fekete – professor emeritus (in Mathematics and Statistics) of the
Memorial University of Newfoundland – and his acolytes.
In
this, they have been dressing up that ugly sister of the 19th
century Banking School – the Real Bills Doctrine (RBD) in
a racy new ball gown, while simultaneously disparaging us Austrian
Cinderella’s as "enemies of freedom" for our stubborn
adherence to the 100% gold standard in the face of their more sophisticated
alternative.
One
may acquire a hint of the sheer perversity of the clique’s argument
when one knows that among the many
enormities Prof. Fekete propounds is one
in which he contends that the rate of interest is to be treated
separately from the rate of discount, the first being "governed
by the propensity to save" and the latter by the purportedly
distinct "propensity to consume"!
But,
leaving such evident contortions aside, RBD is subject to any number
of pernicious flaws, not least that it rests on a ‘reverse engineering’
of one of the ideas and an extension of yet another
framed by that egregious Scottish gambler, John Law, in his Money
and Trade Considered; the first being that:
"…trade
depends on money: a greater quantity employs more people than
a lesser… nor can more people be set to work without more money
to circulate so as to pay the wages of a greater number…"
and the second on the widely held belief that, so long as
money is rooted in ‘the needs of trade’, its increase can occasion
no possible harm, thus:
"…the
(note-issuing) commission giving out what sums are demanded and
taking back what sums are offered to be returned, this paper money
will keep its value and there will always be as much money as
there is occasion or employment for, and no more…"
Here,
Law like many subsequent inflationists and real bills advocates
has overlooked one crucial flaw; that, absent the physical
limitations of the scarcity of a hard specie standard to provide
a restraint, this system tangles itself in not so much a Gordian,
as a Gödelian knot.
The
nature of this hangman’s bootstrap is that, as any California real
estate speculator or Nasdaq day-trader will tell you, the ‘needs
of trade’ are hardly independent of the quantity of credit available
to finance them.
It
seems to escape the RBD cultists that the sum one ‘needs’ to borrow
in order to buy an asset – with which the loan will be collateralized
is self-referentially dependent upon the quantity of similar
credits both already extended and currently competing for similar
purposes, thanks to these credits’ crucial role in determining the
asset’s prevailing market price.
As
Henry Thornton – that giant of the Currency School – succinctly
put it, two hundred years since:
"[Law]
forgot that there might be no bounds to the demand for paper;
that the increasing quantity would contribute to the rise of commodities
and the rise of commodities require – and seem to justify – a
still further increase"
Thornton’s
near contemporary, Joplin, was equally quick to spot the error:
"Bankers,
indeed, have the idea that their issues are always called forth
by the natural wants of the country, and that it is high prices
that cause a demand for their notes, and not their issues which
create high prices, and vice versa. The principle is absurd, but
it is the natural inference to be deduced from their local experience.
They find themselves contracted in their issues, by laws which
they do not understand, and are consequently led to attribute
the artificial movements of the currency to the hidden operations
of nature, which they term the wants of the country"
But,
even were we to overlook these fundamental objections and to allow
the Feketians their head, they nowhere explain to us how we are
to determine the ‘reality’ of a given bill in today’s complex economy.
How
are we to gauge the value of, say, the provision of legal services
in a patent dispute, rather than that of a VLCC cruising the high
seas? Or how might the act of contracting the WPP Group for an advertising
campaign differ from laying claim to the very tangible cargo of
iron ore nestling in the hold of a 1,000-ft carrier plying the waterways
of the Great Lakes?
One
might even maliciously wonder whether a margin loan on the NYSE
is not at least a cousin to a ‘real’ bill, since it helps finance
the purchase of a direct claim upon the net productive assets –
the stock – of a private corporation. And what about a repurchase
agreement used to finance a holding of that same corporate’s debt
and hence to maintain a prior lien on a share of its income stream?
There
is also a deafening silence on how the good Prof. Fekete might propose
to prohibit the issue of finance ("pig on pork"), or accommodation
bills (glorified promissory notes) – and lest the reader thinks
we are here arguing about the niceties of some Victorian anachronism,
he should be aware that the traditional bill’s latter day equivalents
in this area, asset-backed securities, are a quintessential feature
of the modern credit landscape, comprising a $1.8 trillion market
in the US alone.
In
failing to address these points, Prof. Fekete not only overlooks
the sporadic bill-"kiting" crises which dogged Industrial Britain
throughout what he supposes to be an untarnished golden age, he
also fails to recognise that it would be only too trivial to disguise
such bastard children as the ‘real’ thing in today's Andersen-Enron-Money
Center Bank, financially-engineered, smoke-and-mirrors economy.
However,
erratum longum, vita brevis, so, rather than picking our
way through each of the many mistakes which litter Prof. Fekete’s
diatribe, there is one matter whose exegesis might furnish us with
a more lasting reward than the simple pleasure of puffing air at
his inflationist house of cards – namely, that related to the cone
of production, to the importance of the
concept of gross, not net, product (as Professor
Reisman has taken great pains to elucidate),
and to the true function
of saving.
Here
we must allow Professor Fekete the liberty
of hoisting himself on his own petard and quote him at some length:
"...
it is not possible to finance all of society's circulating capital
out of savings. It would put inordinate demand on savings that
simply could not be met. Consider a hypothetical production cycle
[of] 91 days, with as many as 90 firms participating, so that
the sojourn of the semi-finished product at every one of the 90
stops takes one day. The ultimate consumer is willing to pay $100
for [it] while the producer of the 90th order good has paid $11
for raw materials. We shall also assume that the value added to
the maturing product at every stop is $1. Now if you want to finance
the movement of one [unit]… through the various stages of production…
you have to withdraw savings in the amount of… $4995, almost 50
times retail value"
Put
this way, the idea does seem ludicrous – exactly the effect Fekete
intends by deploying this clearly exaggerated, 90-stage process
as an attempted reductio ad absurdum.
But
is this actually as risible as it sounds?
Actually,
it’s not but, rather than going through the argument line-by
line here, the sceptical reader is invited to consult the working
paper for a full rehearsal of the logic.
The
rest of you will just have to take it on trust that what the arithmetic
finally shows is that it will require 4,095 units of final goods
output selling for $4,095 (at $1 a piece) to equalize the real income
of all participating 4,095 ‘workers’ arranged in a 90 step triangle
of 1-2-3… …88-89-90 ‘workers’.
The
calculations also reveal that $125,580 in revenues will be generated
with every complete productive cycle which gives rise to the same
$4,095 of consumer goods, in what is a perfect match for the 125,580
units of final and intermediate goods which we shall
be transporting down the chain at each turn.
But,
though our model shows that this natural correspondence jumps straight
out of the simple logic at work, the seemingly large monetary disproportion
between $4,095 rattling into the retailers’ tills and the $125,580
circulating throughout the value chain still causes our bill-wielding
maths professor to utter howls of derision at the idea of using
so much ‘scarce’ money to effect such a low rate of conversion of
total effort into final goods.
But,
in fact, there is another important truth to be revealed here.
For
what Fekete labours under is a GDP-style obsession with the value
of these final goods alone to his consequent and logically
fatal neglect of the importance of all the intermediate products
to which each cycle gives rise. This misleads him into scorning
matters that are, in fact, critical to the means by which genuine
capitalism (not inflationary corporatism) showers us with its bounteous
material riches – a sin no true Austrian would knowingly commit.
Now,
narrowly, it can be admitted that a clearing instrument (CI), a
bill (real or otherwise) could greatly facilitate the movement of
the stream of products which emanates from our highly vertically-divided
arrangement of labour. However, we must acknowledge that the income
– if not necessarily the intermediate revenues – must be settled
only in gold dollars – in money in order to avoid
entraining an inflationary outcome from this.
Thus,
in our recasting of Fekete, we could get by with $4,095 in gold
and supplement its use with roughly 30 times its value, or $121,485
in CI’s.
Alternatively,
there is no fundamental reason why we could not use the same
physical sum of gold for both tasks (it is highly divisible and
completely fungible, after all), dispensing with these CI’s entirely
and allowing prices to fall wherever they must so as to reflect
the sizeable output of goods taking place across all stages of production
(a concept which Fekete totally misses in his characteristic inflationist's
haste to use a putative shortage of money as an argument for his
wild schemes).
One
key point here, however, is that, even if they should be used for
convenience, the clearing instruments are not themselves
money in that they cannot automatically be used for final settlement
pari passu for final goods, certainly not on demand and not
at full face value.
In
fact, even this proviso may provide little enough protection against
excess, if the issue of bills (or other credit) becomes swollen
with regard to the money stock. This most easily occurs under a
system where inherently fraudulent, fractional-reserve banks are
lulled into the false security of having a lender of last resort
behind them or, indeed, in cases where that (typically state-privileged)
lender itself is over ready to rediscount their acceptances and
to expand credit.
Here,
as Law’s sometime confederate, Richard Cantillon, remarked in his
marvellous ‘Essai’, the ultimate check was usually imposed when
the winners of any ensuing investment mania tried to leave the casino:
"In
1720, the capital of public stock and of Bubbles which
were snares and enterprises of private companies at London
rose to the value of 800 millions sterling, yet the purchases
and sales of such pestilential stocks were carried on without
difficulty through the quantity of notes of all kinds which were
issued, while the same paper money was accepted in payment of
interest. But as soon as the idea of great fortunes induced many
individuals to increase their expenses, to buy carriages, foreign
linen and silk, cash was needed for all that… and this broke up
all the systems."
Naturally,
today’s South Sea Bubbles and Mississippi Schemes call into play
instead what the market argot terms the ‘Greenspan Put’, for they
are now watched over by a coterie of central banks, collectively
untrammelled in the exercise of their peculiar brand of RBD and
ever-ready to abandon even the pretence of sound conduct in a crisis,
by invoking the necessity of maintaining the ‘financial stability’
of their multi-trillion dollar Ship of Fools.
But,
even setting aside the case of such effusions of wild optimism and
their ensuing outbreaks of despair, it remains to emphasize that
one of the most insidious dangers of the RBD is precisely that it
allows such ‘clearing instruments’ to be converted into – indeed,
to form the basis of the issue of – money and thus it begins to
disrupt all-important relative price signals, both between factors
of production and across time itself which perverts economic activity
and so triggers the highly wasteful cycle of repeated Boom-and-Bust.
More
important still, however, is that Fekete, in his ambition to be
seen as a monetary Messiah, shares the all too common trait of inflationists
from Law to Gesell to Keynes, and on to Bernanke; viz., that
he has lost sight of the inescapable truth that it decidedly does
take genuine net savings to build out our triangle in the first
place.
What
all such monetary manipulators overlook is that, while physical
equipment is being assembled, land cleared, buildings constructed,
workers trained and hired, there inevitably arises exactly so much
excess of the demand for the sustenance for the workers involved
over their ability simultaneously to provide for its supply themselves.
Moreover,
there must necessarily be a suitable degree of diversion of scarce
physical resources away from the provision of final goods and into
the creation of the new, higher order ones, for the whole duration
of such an undertaking.
Here,
if we think of the Hayekian triangle, not so much as a stylized
economy, but as a factory assembly line, it becomes easier to visualize
the situation wherein, once a firm decides to revamp its production
arrangements, it is highly likely that the existing output of its
products will suffer while the re-organisation takes place.
Thus,
the company will have to build up an inventory to tide it over if
it wishes to keep its customers happy i.e. it will have to
have saved pre-emptively before the revamp of its factory.
If
not, then the burden will fall instead upon the consumers of the
firm’s products – individuals who, of course, play a dual role as
the producers of the other goods which the firm and its workers
need in their turn and for which they ultimately aim to exchange
their wares.
In
the case where the firm has not saved by laying in inventory ahead
of time – perhaps because the owners have managed to issue a ‘real’
bill! – the good souls who are its customers will temporarily be
compelled to forego the consumption to which they have otherwise
earned the right by producing their own marketable goods.
So,
assuming they do not simply retire to the beach, while the retooling
is being completed, these customers will have to save concurrently
with the reorganization’s undertaking.
(Without
diverging too far from our theme at this juncture, it is this outcome
which, when engendered by producer-centric monetary manipulation,
comes under the vexed Keynesian rubric of ‘forced saving’).
But
how much saving is needed to accomplish this task? In what proportion
to the ongoing division of labour must consumption be foregone?
We
can again look at this schematically, using nothing more than straightforward
arithmetic, but rather than burden the reader with the details here,
it is suggested that he again consults the working
paper on the Mises Institute website.
There
he will find that to order everyone most efficiently into Fekete’s
90-stage process will require a minimum of 30 2/3 days of savings
or 125,580 units of the goods which were previously being
churned out at the rate of 4,095 per day in order to accomplish
his task.
At
this stage, the observant reader may have noticed that the requisite
quantity of savings of consumer goods needed to divide labour vertically
in this manner is arithmetically equivalent to the revenue flow
which will comprise one full turn of the completed, triangularized
structure!
So
much for the laughter with which Professor Fekete greeted the idea
that rather than using the wholly insubstantial backing of one of
his supposedly ‘real’ pieces of paper, circulating capital must
actually take the form of high multiples of the saved output of
final goods.
For
what we discover is that circulating capital, no less than fixed,
must be funded – i.e. it must be built out of a store of
saved consumption goods or else accompanied by foregone consumption
opportunity – and that no amount of monetary legerdemain can
avoid this restriction.
It
should also be noted that, even with the simplifications already
imposed, we have still only accounted for the maintenance of the
human element of what were actually composite capital-plus-labour
‘workers’ and so we have looked only at how many final goods need
to be saved.
The
reality is that we may well need to divert an over-proportionate
amount of scarce physical resources such as fuel, raw materials,
land, and even some of the remaining machinery away from
the reduced, interim production of such goods and into our new building
process, as well.
This
will especially be the case since our composite ‘workers’ are implicitly
assumed to take their capital with them when they move up the order,
whereas in the real world much of this capital will
not be so readily interchangeable in function, but will have to
be largely fashioned anew.
Thus,
even the seemingly high multiples which our simple heuristics have
generated are likely to be seriously understated.
No
wonder that while Soviet Russia could routinely announce new pig
iron production records, its people were left craving a few ounces
of butter and had to queue long hours in the hope of securing a
few heads of fresh cabbage!
So,
faced with this realisation, are we to conclude that matters are
indeed hopeless that the division of labour cannot be achieved
without the whips of Collectivist coercion and the scorpions of
inflationary finance?
Not
a bit of it!
For
what all the forgoing excludes is any consideration of the essential
purpose behind all this endeavour to increase ‘roundaboutness’ and
to bring about an increasing specialization of function – namely,
the very real increase in productivity and efficacy which such an
advance almost invariably brings forth (see, for example, The
Positive Theory of Capital, Bk II, Ch II.19, n13, Böhm-Bawerk).
As
an example, look what the industrial genius of the real Henry Ford
managed to achieve and how the principals he laid down have immeasurably
enriched our lives ever since.
Yes,
we must certainly struggle and scrimp to save and nurture a very
great deal of capital, indeed, if we are sustainably to lengthen
the structure of production; but the effort to do so usually brings
about its own reward!
As
the apex of the cone of production is shifted to a more remote location
from the store front, as extra tiers of specialists are included
on the notional assembly line, so its mouth may also be widened
giving rise to more goods per cycle; it may be improved
– giving rise to better goods; and it may be accelerated
– giving us more cycles per unit of time.
If
we are truly fortunate, all three will occur – though, at first,
it may only be available in whatever colour you like, so long as
it’s black!
Out
of this, of course, comes the possibility of successively generating
ever more future savings ever more easily, which all means that
the magic of compounding applies not just to monetary interest,
but also to real, productive capital.
This
means that, on the road to general prosperity, saving, directed
by entrepreneurial foresight into a greater division of labour,
quickly enlists the "most powerful force in the universe,"
as Einstein reputedly called it, in what was possibly this proto-socialist’s
only correct pronouncement in the field ever.
So,
in finally dispensing with the good Professor Fekete’s contumely,
we find he has, in fact, rendered us a service, for he has forcefully
pointed out what an effort capital accumulation is and so he has
implicitly charged us to beware of anything which threatens this
act: be they threats to private property; the risk of civil disorder;
legal and contractual uncertainty; the clouding of entrepreneurial
calculation; or the frustration of the market process.
On
this reckoning, his own wild dreams of resurrecting the age-old
follies and his unintended effect of reinforcing the present-day
incarnation of the irretrievably-flawed Real Bills Doctrine
poses perhaps the single greatest concentration of all these dangers
in complete contrast to the protections which would be afforded
by the institution of a free banking system, securely bound by the
ordinary laws of contract and girded tightly about with a 100%
gold coin reserve standard.
August
9, 2005
Sean
Corrigan [send him mail]
writes from Switzerland.
Copyright
© 2005 LewRockwell.com
Sean
Corrigan Archives
|