The Last
Knight of the Habsburg Empire
by
Jørn K. Baltzersen
by Jørn K. Baltzersen
Previously by Jørn K. Baltzersen: Protector
of Blessed Charles
It is the Golden
Age of Victoria and Francis Joseph. Victoria has passed away, but
the Victorian light has not much dimmed. There is turbulence, however.
Royal Assent to the abolition of the absolute veto rights of the
House of Lords is two years into the future. It is some four decades
since Walter Bagehot published his thesis about the British monarch
only having advisory rights.
But within
the confines of the great Austro-Hungarian Dual Monarchy, although
not absolute, Francis Joseph reigns supreme. The Great War is five
years away. The year is 1909. It is the last day of July. A boy
is born a subject of the Emperor Francis Joseph in Tobelbad in Styria.
He is Erik Maria Anton Friedrich Ritter von Kuehnelt-Leddihn. He
is to provide a link to the days of old like none other.
Today we mark
the 100th anniversary of his birth. He was a Knight of
the Habsburg Empire, which up until the ravaging of General Bonaparte
was known as the Holy Roman Empire. Although not uncritical of it,
he vehemently defended the old order, the Habsburgs especially.
Ludwig von Mises is said to have been the
last knight of liberalism. Erik
von Kuehnelt-Leddihn can be said to have been the last knight
of the Habsburg Empire.
He was a polyglot
and a polymath.
His first language was French. German he only started learning when
he was five. His multilingualism started early. This author’s first
written language was English. The great knight learnt French, the
old diplomatic language, as his first language before he even started
learning his "own language." He had, as he wrote in his
American guide to Europe, a lively memory of the old Dual Monarchy
and the Great War. He was nine years old when the war ended and
his Emperor was forced to renounce power. He was not only a champion
of the old world. He was of that world. And he was to see the atrocities
of the 20th century. He said that he first really understood
his homeland when he got to spend time away from home. Being at
a distance gave him perspective, he said.
Dr.
Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn is one of the intellectuals on whose shoulders
Dr. Hans-Hermann
Hoppe stands for his theories about monarchy, Bertrand
de Jouvenel being a notable other. Kuehnelt-Leddihn proclaimed
himself to be a monarchist, but he certainly did not believe retaining
or restoring monarchy would solve all our problems.
The great
polymath settled in Lans
in Tyrol, a small village in the hills above Innsbruck, the
latter referred to by the late Habsburg biographer Gordon Brook-Shepherd
as a monarchists’ nest and the city where the now 96-year-old Archduke
Otto had a brief stay at the end of World War II – before the anti-Habsburg
regulations were again brought into full force. I regret I never
met Kuehnelt-Leddihn. In fact, I never knew of him when he was still
alive. I have visited Innsbruck three times in my life. The first
time I was a teenager. The second time was in the summer of 1998.
The last time was in the summer of 2004, for the Austria Imperial
Festival, which sadly has
come to a halt.
Even though
I had read an article or a few previously at the Mises Institute
website, the first half of the year 2002 was when I really discovered
the Mises Institute. I discovered it through Internet searching
for politically incorrect views on the subject of monarchy and democracy.
This was also when I discovered Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn and Hans-Hermann
Hoppe. How I wish I had known in that summer of 1998 that there
was an extraordinary gentleman living along my journey path.
I have since
I starting being conscious of the issue, always been friendly towards
monarchy, which is perhaps a bit strange since I am not only of
upbringing in this new order, but my elementary education was also
largely American-based through an
international school. This, however, is a long story, and most
of it we will have to leave here – possibly for another, future
essay.
I did for a
long time subscribe to the belief that absolute democracy and absolute
monarchy were equally evil concepts. I had moved away from that
belief – or at least I was on my way away from it – when I discovered
the Knight of Lans and Dr. Hoppe. My departure – or beginning departure
– from said belief was largely due to a monarchy
FAQ by a Charles
A. Coulombe. I discovered it in the late nineties at the website
of a Swedish monarchist friend, whom I had met through a European
network of more or less rightist students. Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn
and Hans-Hermann Hoppe effectively put me off the idea that absolute
monarchy and absolute democracy were equally evil.
I now more
or less subscribe to one of the many wonderful phrases of the late
Knight of the Habsburg Empire:
There are
totalitarian and monolithic tendencies inherent in democracy that
are not present even in a so-called absolute monarchy, much less
so in a mixed government which, without exaggeration, can be called
the great Western tradition.
That is not
to say that I agree with everything he said.
Amongst the
works of this late and great knight are The
Menace of the Herd, Liberty
or Equality, Leftism,
The
Intelligent American’s Guide to Europe, Leftism
Revisited, Monarchy
and War, and The
Cultural Background of Ludwig von Mises.
Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn
was born on the day after my own paternal grandfather. Although
I never met the knight personally, reading his books and listening
to his online lectures [Mises
Institute, ISI],
there is little doubt – if any at all – that even they were worlds
apart. I suspect it has not only to do with my being a Scandinavian
instead of a Continental.
The knowledge
recorded in his works is immense. The notes are wonderfully informative.
One of them sent me on a research project on the Churchill quote
on democracy being the least worse. This even included a mission
to the British parliamentary archives in the Victoria
Tower. His works give me much inspiration for research, study,
and writing projects, for which there are so many ideas and way
too little time.
I am indeed
sad that I have only seen his grave, and not met him in person.
Fortunately, this walking book of knowledge has left behind a number
of books, articles, and lectures for all of us to learn from.
There are so
many compliments to be found around the web about this great writer.
Andy Duncan of Samizdata has
said:
You may disagree
with what Von [sic] Kuehnelt-Leddihn says about the horrors of
democracy, but his writing really is wonderfully entertaining.
As he wrote
for many publications, including the Rockwell-Rothbard Report
– LRC’s predecessor – and National
Review, he wrote for the Norwegian business magazine Farmand,
for which also Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich August von Hayek wrote.
Their articles appeared in Norwegian. A few years ago I met an old
reader of Farmand, and he had much praise for the perspectives
that Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn had to offer.
In a letter
to the editor in Farmand a reader once commented Kuehnelt-Leddihn’s
claim that one could have royals on the wall, but not the Constitution.
The reader commented – correctly – that we in Norway once did have
our Constitution on our walls. That was a long time ago. In spite
of some of us still having one of those old wall copies, it is fair
to say that it is no longer the case. Eventually, the King assumed
all but a mere formal and psychological role, which ended the role
of the Constitution as a check against the King, which again suggests
that Kuehnelt-Leddihn in the end was right.
He was a linguist.
He spoke eight languages fluently and had a reading knowledge of
eleven others. It was, as
he wrote, necessary for his research. Indeed, the knowledge
and information he displayed would not have been possible without
deep knowledge of languages. If one is to achieve knowledge of modern
topics, such as computer technology, one can get away fairly easily
with only the knowledge of English, but some topics require knowing
other languages. I recall visiting museums in Switzerland, where
the German was heavy, whereas in the French area it was almost impossible.
In the fields into which Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn dug, to the extent
he did, would have been impossible without a wide and deep knowledge
of language and languages.
Now, there
is hardly any linear connection between one’s lingual knowledge
and the number of languages one speaks or understands. For instances,
a person who speaks one of the three Scandinavian languages can
easily read the two others. In any case, however, this great linguist’s
knowledge of languages is impressive.
When his articles
appeared in Farmand, they were in Norwegian, as were those
by Mises and Hayek, translated by the editorial staff, I would suspect,
but he responded easily to Norwegian comments in English, apparently
with no translating help from others.
The Intelligent
American’s Guide to Europe, published in 1979, is no ordinary
tourist guide. It is an attempt, albeit not without generalizations
and lacks, as the author himself admits. He also says that it is
a starting point for further research. It is an explanation of Europe
to Americans. He tells us that Europeans are ignorant about America,
and that Americans are merely misinformed about Europe. The guide
was a part of his mission to work for understanding between the
English-speaking world and the European Continent. When Europeans
talk about American ignorance or misinformation, chances are they
are of the more ignorant Europeans of America. Not so with Erik
von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, to say the least, and he added that America
is the one going around recreating the world, so America, as the
hammer, needs to know more about the nail than vice versa.
His European
"guide book" is both historical and contemporary. When
reading it, one must bear in mind that it was written thirty years
ago. Not all information was up-to-date even at that time. He mentions
the Governor General of Malta as a contemporary position, a position
that was replaced by the position of President in 1974.
I
like that he refers to the Norwegian coronation city as Trondhjem
instead of the official misspelling of Trondheim.
I would have liked to see more revisionist comments on Norway, but
I suppose that is some of the further research the author said he
wanted to inspire. He terms the two official languages of Norway
Riksmål and Landsmål, which actually are
terms for older languages, the former still a living language with
its own non-state
academy responsible for the dictionary. The "renaming"
of Riksmål and Landsmål is something real
conservatives might be opposed to, and my oldest great aunt – still
living and born in the same year as our great scholar – has always
spoken of the two official languages as Kuehnelt-Leddihn did in
his European guide. It can be forgiven, and such minor factual problems
do not even begin to diminish the encyclopedic nature of the book,
or his other works and the scholar himself – for that matter.
This great
polyglot was of course concerned about the misuse of terms and words.
He railed against the abuse of the term democracy, which
I must admit to many years ago having used in one of the rather
meaningless ways referred to by the Knight of Lans. He also stressed
that democracy answers who governs, whereas liberalism
answers how it should be governed.
In a later
edition of The Menace of the Herd, which was written pseudonymously
and originally published in 1943, there is a short introduction
on terminology. It is to explain the use of the term ochlocracy
and related terms. The use of these terms had apparently to do with
the ongoing war. The author, however, is quoted as saying that an
editor who imposed such terms on an author should be executed by
firing squad after a breakfast of bread crusts and cold water.
He wrote in
The Intelligent American’s Guide to Europe:
The reader
has my apologies for the outspokenness of my views, but at least
he will soon realize that I do not beat around the bush. I hate
to insinuate. I like to say things bluntly, unless I am being
ironical; only then do I believe understatements are in order.
At this juncture of history it is too late to be fastidiously
prudent.
The knight
was opposed to the so-called welfare state, which he preferred be
called provider state. Not only did he decry the dethronement of
monarchs, but also of the father in the family. He explained that
a king’s relation to his subjects was like a father to his grown
children, whereas the modern state, which is more maternalist than
paternalist, he said, can more be compared to the parents of small
children, a perversion of the relationship between monarch and subjects.
I have not
seen the following explanation in his works, or elsewhere, but I
think he would have few problems acknowledging it. Different families
have different degrees of freedom, but there is little doubt – if
any – that when the public child administration comes in with its
social workers everything turns into a nightmare.
Our great linguist
also pointed out that the use of the term holocaust has nothing
to do with the extermination of Jews. He was a vehement opponent
of all forms of totalitarianism, of course, including of said extermination.
Von Kuehnelt-Leddihn
was – and is – often referred to as conservative. However, he called
himself an Old Liberal. In Leftism Revisited, he referred
to himself as an extreme liberal of the far right – not being ashamed
of extremism, or of being on the right. Fascism and National Socialism
he correctly placed on the left, and the study and rejection of
all forms of leftism was a life-long project for this great aristocratic
scholar.
In The Menace
of the Herd, Francis Stuart Campbell, also known as our great
and late scholar rails against capitalism, the Industrial Revolution,
and technological progress. This seems to be toned down in later
works, and he even talked about Wilhelm
Röpke having taken him by the ear and taught him a thing
or two about capitalism. Although we should indeed listen when we
are told that development of military technology and surveillance
technology does not represent progress.
As Professor
Jörg Guido Hülsmann noted in Mises
in America, Ludwig von Mises enthusiastically endorsed Erik
von Kuehnelt-Leddihn’s Liberty or Equality in a letter in
1952. This is perhaps his prime work on the concept of monarchy
and democracy, but this theme is highly present in other works as
well. Kuehnelt-Leddihn stressed that he did not want to push a monarchy
on those United States, but he did want America and Americans to
understand. He did, however, not go out of his way to present a
counterfactual history scenario of the thirteen colonies remaining
in the British Empire with Philadelphia becoming the Empire’s capital.
Moreover, he suggested that if the American experiment had been
with a genuine mixed government – drawing power from three different
sources – instead of the actual republican polity chosen, the experiment
might have been successful.
Our polymath
presented the American War of Independence as non-revolutionary
– as many Americans have too – and not initially anti-monarchical.
He pointed out that there was a depiction of the King of France
in Jefferson’s Monticello, as well as that the United States Declaration
of Independence does not have explicit anti-monarchical rhetoric,
only rhetoric against a specific Prince. He told us that American
anti-monarchical thought was a later development, influenced – amongst
other things – by Mark Twain’s A
Connecticut Yankee at King Arthur's Court.
Our living
link from the world of old professed – rightly – that the American
Founding Fathers were not democrats, as many Americans have too.
This was also something he brought to his European readers. Distinguishing
between aristocracy and nobility, the polymath considered the American
Republic initially an aristocratic republic. He saw in Andrew Jackson
the man who brought democracy to America – or at least to the federal
republic. It was not only with Andrew Jackson the American Republic
got full-fledged popular elections for the Presidency, but it was
also Andrew Jackson who introduced the spoils
system. Our scholar of democracy also considered Count Alexis
de Tocqueville, who is seen by many as a "friendly critic of
democracy," an anti-democrat.
It is so often
said that those who know history will reject the concept of monarchy.
This great man knew history better than most could ever dream of
knowing. He knew very much of the ills this form of government had
brought. He knew, of course, also the ills of democracy, and he
preferred the former. If you believe the Magna
Charta to be the first step towards democracy, you definitely
need to study the works of Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, who saw in
the Magna Charta an aristocratic check on the powers of the monarch
– something very different from putting power in the hands of the
people.
One of the
many things he mentioned was how the state had grown independent
of society. He saw concentration camps as a sign of health, as it
showed that there was real resistance. He recommended something
resembling the First Reich – the Holy Roman Empire – for the "Germanys"
when writing during World War II. Sadly, the victors chose to resurrect
democracy and install red tyranny in the East.
Our hero indicated
that Franco was a mere military dictator, and that his regime, which
saved Jews from the Nazis, was neither National Socialist nor Fascist.
He provided a revisionist perspective on the Pinochet regime and
colonialism. In his guide on Europe, which was published when Rhodesia
was ending, he railed against the United Nations for its policy
on "self-determination" – a natural continuation of his
critique of American foreign policy, Wilsonian foreign policy in
particular. He believed Woodrow Wilson to be one of the five stupidest
public figures of the 20th century, quoting Sigmund Freud
as saying Wilson was "the silliest fool of the century, if
not all centuries" and "probably one of the biggest criminals
– unconsciously."
The brilliant
scholar, who was
an adjunct scholar of the Mises Institute, reminded us that
Communism had embraced democracy as an appropriate tool, and he
also stressed that we all have become Marxists, in Leftism Revisited,
indicating to what extent the Communist
Manifesto has been implemented in the "free world."
Our Austrian
nobleman spent the wartime years in the 1940s in America, but unlike
many other intellectuals, he returned to Europe after the war. However,
he traveled a lot to the United States after the war, and he made
many friends there. Amongst them was Lew Rockwell, who was a friend
of this great scholar for more than thirty years. Mr. Rockwell also
served as editor of Kuehnelt-Leddihn’s Leftism at Arlington
House. I am pleased every time Mr. Rockwell tells a story at LRC
about something he learnt from this great man of Austrian nobility.
I am positively envious when I think of all the good memories LRC’s
editor must have of his friend.
We tend to
see Switzerland as democratic, but the great dissector of leftism
tells us that this only goes for a part of Switzerland. He tells
us that Switzerland has aristocratic traditions, again distinguishing
between aristocracy and nobility. The Helvetic Republic, he tells
us, is the source of much that is anti-democratic. In his 1979 European
guide he also refers to the Principality of Liechtenstein as a constitutional
monarchy, as opposed to a Ruritanian tyranny.
Our extremely
knowledgeable knight rejected the excuse that America as a young
nation is allowed to make mistakes. As he said, America has had
access to the same history to learn from as all other nations. He
believed that there is more to history than just simple economics.
He also rejected the silly notion that there is meaning to history.
He challenged the English-speaking world with its fear of the polyhistor
and being a "jack of all trades," whom it saw as an impostor,
as our polyhistor, who was no fan of specialization, saw it.
Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn
was a devout Catholic. He rejected
the proletarian status of the Holy Family. He pointed out that initially
most of the individual States of the American Republic had religious
tests for office or other religious connections for the state, and
he maintained that the federal First Amendment was merely a protection
against federal discrimination.
Dr. von Kuehnelt-Leddihn
contrasted the old world of dreams with the modern world of illusions,
critiquing modern man’s lack of imagination when not able to imagine
anything better than modern democracy. Bill Buckley told
the story of this immensely learned man traveling with 75 books
in his hand luggage. After all, he had 75 flights. Of course, he
needed one book for each of them.
In
his European "guide book," the Knight of Lans wrote in
1979:
Anyone who
lives in Europe with open eyes and ears must often imagine himself
to be in a leftist insane asylum.
He deplored
how education was being treated, and he rejected the theory that
the masses could be educated to be good governors. In his own words:
The notion
that, if rightly informed, the man in the street will reach the
right decisions, is laughable. The information is so complex and
involved that he could never decipher it.
He also wrote:
[W]hat is
desperately needed is the return of quality; we must restore minimal
government of the highest quality, whereas democracy tends to
establish maximal government of the lowest quality.
It would indeed
have been interesting to have seen an updated European guide from
the same mind now thirty years down the road, with all the decline
we have seen in these three last decades. Dr. von Kuehnelt-Leddihn
reflected
on the prophetic words of Sir
Edward Grey a quarter of a century ago, concluding that the
lamps would not be lit in his lifetime either. Will they be lit
in ours? Or are we too doomed to be quixotic and fight lost causes,
which the late knight maintained that the Continentals took pride
in – with their uncompromising mindset. Remember though, that what
a large minority considers a lost cause will remain so if no one
fights for it.
There
are many who have learnt a lot from the late and great Erik Maria
Ritter von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, many of whom can learn even more, and
there are even more who can learn. A book by this great Austrian
can be read many times, and one will come to new insights every
single time. We are lucky to have the work that he has put down.
His family has great reasons to be proud.
The last Knight
of the Habsburg Empire is a great inspiration. There is a gigantic
leap from his philosophy of knowledge to the laid back one-minute-attention
culture of our time. We may not see someone – for a long time at
least – who completely "fills his shoes," but even filling
a small fraction will be a good delivery.
We honor him
on this day – the centenary of his birth. Let us raise our glasses
to his honor – preferably with Kaiser
Bier. May he continue to rest in peace!
Jørn
K. Baltzersen [send him mail]
writes from Oslo, the capital of the Oil Kingdom of Norway.
You are cordially invited to his blog Wilson
Revolution Unplugged and his
writer’s profile at The Spoof. He is an associate editor
of Farmann.
Copyright
© 2009 by LewRockwell.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in
part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given.
Jørn
K. Baltzersen Archives
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