The Gipper and His Legacies
by
William L. Anderson
by William L. Anderson
Within
a few hours after hearing about the death of Ronald Reagan this
past Saturday, I decided to read the various obituaries that appeared
on the Internet, including one from the New York Times. Not
surprisingly, they ranged from near-worshipful on the conservative
sites to mostly contemptuous and condescending from the Times.
Since
Reagan has been nearly invisible to the public since it was announced
a decade ago that he had contracted Alzheimer’s disease, his passing
is hardly a shock, and mostly an afterthought on his presidency,
which ended almost 16 years ago. Like all presidents, he had a number
of legacies although many of the experts, I believe, will miss those
things from his eight years in office that will have the longest-lasting
impact upon our lives.
Perhaps
the most ironic thing about Reagan’s legacies, I believe, is the
fact that the longest-term effect of his presidency will be the
loss of freedom for many people in this country, and especially
the loss of entrepreneurial freedom. That is because if there truly
was a "Reagan Revolution" – and I am among the skeptics
who question whether or not there were any truly "revolutionary"
aspect to his terms in office – it occurred in the area of law,
and especially federal criminal law.
I
will return to the thoughts presented in the previous paragraph
later in this piece. First, however, I wish to address what others
have said about him in the wake of his death, and deal with the
myths that have surrounded him and that time he spent in office.
Myths
abound regarding former presidents. Lincoln, who in reality was
a cool and aloof dictator while president, has been recast as "Father
Abraham." As a friend of mine who has written three books about
this era once remarked to me, the surprising thing about Lincoln
is not that he was assassinated, but rather that he lived as long
as he did in the White House, given the number of enemies that he
managed to create through his war.
Woodrow
Wilson is portrayed as an idealist and a visionary, not a man who
lied the country into a war that ultimately destroyed the social
and political underpinnings of most of Europe, and who was the most
virulent racist to occupy the White House since Lincoln. Historians
and journalists present the picture of Theodore Roosevelt as someone
who was a great "trustbuster," a strong leader who had
the foresight to engage in great conservation efforts of U.S. forests.
Today, we see the destructiveness of the Progressive Movement that
TR brought full-swing into U.S. political and legal life, and the
national forests he "gave" us are little more than a demonstration
of government mismanagement. Wilson and Teddy Roosevelt were the
two presidents after Lincoln who were the most instrumental in destroying
what was once a constitutional republic and replacing it with the
"progressive" democracy that is killing our liberties.
Franklin
Roosevelt is pictured as the man who "brought this country
out of the Great Depression" and was an effective and dynamic
wartime leader. In truth, FDR’s "New Deal" prolonged the
depression and many of his actions made things worse and helped
to launch the world toward war. John F. Kennedy’s administration
pushed us into Vietnam, and his personal recklessness ultimately
endangered the lives of millions of people. His economic policies
– full-blown Keynesianism – leave a sorry economic legacy that never
seems to leave us. To his admirers, Kennedy’s administration created
the "golden years" of "Camelot." To the rest
of us, he was another irresponsible person using his presidential
powers in an irresponsible way.
So
it is with Reagan. To his admirers, Reagan brought "morning
in America" and ended the Cold War with the Soviet Union. He
rescued the USA from the "malaise" created by the presidency
of Jimmy Carter, according to conservatives, and set the country
on a rightful course.
Leftists
hate him for any number of reasons. First, they believe that somehow
his administration killed the welfare state. Of course, that did
not happen, as the welfare state grew continuously during the Reagan
Administration, but since Reagan once invoked a story about a "welfare
queen" that was proof positive that he ended welfare.
Reagan
also earned the contempt of the left for his "evil empire"
comment about the U.S.S.R., and the fact that he did not waver in
his determination to build up the armed forces. Those of us who
hold to a libertarian point of view are of two minds about Reagan’s
anti-Soviet rhetoric and actions.
Now,
we do believe that the Soviet empire was an evil thing, not simply
a regime that practiced "alternative" economics. But,
in retrospect, the Cold War was a waste of many things, mostly
lives and resources, as it gave this country a permanent military-industrial
complex that burdens us beyond any understanding.
In
the spirit of Marc Anthony, I come to bury Reagan, not to praise
him. Yet, I cannot forget that his 1980 campaign was the last presidential
contest in which real ideas were discussed. Things like "Say’s
Law" and "growth of government" were part of the
daily discussion, "one brief, shining moment" if you will.
For me, it was the first and last time I have campaigned door to
door for a U.S. presidential candidate.
We
forget that Reagan also campaigned on ending draft registration,
and many of his old speeches were tinged with libertarian ideals.
The left called such words "simplistic," or "racist,"
or "reactionary." One also forgets that his 1980 campaign
– following his near-upset of Gerald Ford in the 1976 primaries
– was seen as a threat by the Republican establishment of
Washington.
Midway
through the primary campaign, Ford called a press conference to
announce that he was considering jumping into the race, done in
large part because of his fear that Reagan was going to win the
nomination. At the Republican National Convention that summer, Bill
Brock and Howard Baker tried unsuccessfully to engineer Ford onto
the ticket as the vice-presidential candidate, with the promise
that the outcome would result in a "co-presidency." Reagan
ultimately chose George H.W. Bush instead, something that in the
long term would mean grave consequences to liberty and law in this
country. In the end, Reagan won an easy victory, but he did not
govern as he had campaigned, and that has made all the difference.
Early
into his new term in 1981, Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger
prevailed upon Reagan to keep draft registration. It was a small
issue on the surface, but an important victory for the Republican
establishment; individuals once again were reminded that young men
still are considered property of the state who can be forced against
their will at any time to be inducted into the armed forces.
We
remember 1981, of course, for two things. The first was his barely
surviving an assassination attempt just two months into his presidency.
The second was the passage of the tax cuts, which knocked down the
top rate from 70 percent to 50 percent and cut back other brackets
as well. Given the state of mind that was (and is) Washington, D.C.,
this qualified as a revolution. Furthermore, there was no shortfall
of talking heads and politicians who denounced this as irresponsible
and harmful to the economy.
The
following year, a deep recession hit this country. While those trained
in Austrian Economics understood that given the irresponsible economic
policies that had been the staple of Republican and Democratic administrations
for two decades, not to mention the predations of an economically
incoherent Congress, this economic downturn was both inevitable
and necessary. The politicians and their worshipful media, of course,
blamed the tax cuts. (For example, the leftist Atlanta Constitution
ran an editorial in 1982 entitled: "Tax Increases or Recession.")
Deregulation
of the country's major industries, along with airlines, trucking,
and railroads, already had begun during the Carter Administration
and continued during the Reagan years. Furthermore, Reagan quickly
ended oil price controls in February 1981, short-circuiting a process
that was supposed to be extended until the summer. The end of some
of the economic regulation of the telecommunications industry also
occurred during the Reagan years, although it is likely the process
would have continued, even had Carter won re-election.
In
hindsight, the changes that the Reagan Administration made in government
for the most part were quite small. However, that did not keep the
Washington establishment from acting as though the federal government
had been destroyed. They fought back by not only blaming the recession
on cuts in marginal tax rates, but also claiming that the Reagan
policies – as modest as they were – were driving people into the
street. It was not long before every major news network was claiming
that there were three million homeless people in the USA. This was
preposterous, but the fake numbers were circulated as proof that
Reagan had killed the Holy Welfare State.
In
truth, the Reagan Administration made only cosmetic changes in the
nation’s welfare system, and for the most part, it was governance
as usual. The bureaucracies marched on, as they always do. However,
Reagan also ran on an "anti-crime" platform, but realized
that the U.S. Constitution limited the role that the federal government
could play in state affairs, and that especially meant criminal
law. However, the Reagan Administration simply began to experiment
around the edges, slowly expanding the federal role in criminal
affairs, and helping to lead to the present day situation when nearly
every crime committed can be federalized.
Through
a series of "crime bill" acts, the federal government
slowly but surely expanded the powers of U.S. attorneys, and the
most inroads were made in the prosecution of sale and possession
of illegal drugs. And out of the "War on Drugs" would
come a series of laws and court decisions that expanded the powers
of government agents to arrest people on flimsy evidence and seize
private property willy-nilly.
The
War on Drugs was not an original Reagan brainchild. Instead, it
grew from a campaign that Nancy Reagan pursued. The victim of some
savage press attacks, especially from the Washington Post and
New York Times, Nancy Reagan looked for a "winning"
cause and out of her search came "Just Say No to Drugs."
Much
of the American public ignored Mrs. Reagan, but the real teeth in
this new domestic conflict would come from Congress. Having lost
Vietnam, along with the ridiculous "War on Poverty," Congress
set out on yet another disastrous "cause." The government
not only managed to federalize many drug offenses, but also began
to seize property in earnest, a practice that has continued apace
to this very time.
Within
a short time, both the federal and state prison populations began
to grow rapidly. The number of U.S. attorneys also continued to
expand, as federal prosecutors began to find ways to manipulate
the law in order to pile on the convictions. One especially ambitious
federal prosecutor, Rudolph Guiliani the Southern District of New
York, decided to use the expanded federal legal powers to beat up
certain Wall Street firms.
While
space does not permit me to go into Guiliani’s predations in detail,
let me simply say that he was clever enough to realize that his
boss, President Ronald Reagan, had moved Congress and his administration
to make arrests, indictments, and convictions a relatively easy
thing. The result was the destruction of innovative and important
Wall Street companies that were becoming too competitive for the
likes of established financial firms.
Guiliani
became the "boy" of firms such as Salomon Brothers and
the like, as he went after Michael Milken, who had pioneered the
use of high-risk, high-yield bonds to help finance a number of new
high-tech entities such as CNN and MCI. Because of the press yelping
about Reagan being a "friend of the rich," no one in Reagan’s
Department of Justice moved to stop Guiliani, who set bad precedent
after bad precedent.
In
the end, as I noted earlier, this has become the longest-lasting
legacy of Ronald Reagan. Taxes have been increased, budget deficits
are now exploding, and the Soviet Union has long since disappeared.
Following Reagan’s willingness to use the armed forces abroad in
questionable combat action, both Bush administrations, plus the
Bill Clinton government, have sent troops abroad, bombed cities
and other civilian targets, and generally have made this country
a stench in the nostrils of people abroad. Reagan came into office
calling for responsible government. In the end, what is left is
increased power placed into the hands of U.S. attorneys who would
frame their grandmothers if they thought that would earn them political
points. And, in the end, we also have a seemingly unending war in
Iraq.
I
have no idea whether or not Reagan would have approved of the monster
that many of his policies helped to create. His intentions here
are not important; what is important, however, is that the
U.S. Government has become an even bigger threat to life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness. That is the real Reagan legacy, and
it is one that neither the critics of the left or the admirers on
the right will ever understand.
June
7, 2004
William
L. Anderson, Ph.D. [send him
mail], teaches economics at Frostburg State University in Maryland,
and is an adjunct scholar of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute.
Copyright
© 2004 LewRockwell.com
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