Federal Mandatory Sentences ARE Unconstitutional
(But, then, so are most federal criminal laws)
by
William L. Anderson
and Karen S. Bond
by William L. Anderson and Karen
S. Bond
In
a recent speech to members of the American Bar Association, Supreme
Court Justice Anthony Kennedy attacked the mandatory federal sentencing
laws, thus raising the ire of many conservatives. At about the time
Justice Kennedy was speaking in San Francisco, U.S. Attorney General
John Ashcroft was ordering his minions to compile a list of federal
judges who engage in the practice of "downward departures,"
i.e., impose less than the "mandatory" sentences on individuals
convicted in federal courts.
Economist
Thomas Sowell, for one, is outraged at Kennedy’s appeal. Using
Adam Smith’s quote, "Mercy to the guilty is cruelty to the innocent,"
Sowell presents the "law and order" argument in favor
of long sentences, declaring:
Innocent
victims of crime seem to disappear from the lofty vision and ringing
rhetoric of those who worry that the punishment of criminals is
"too severe," as Justice Kennedy put it. If a day in prison can
be pretty long, so can every day living in a high-crime neighborhood,
where you have to wonder what is going to happen to your son or
daughter on the way to or from school.
The
nights can get pretty long too, when you are afraid to go out
on the streets and have to worry about how safe you are, even
inside your apartment behind doors with multiple locks. Locks
can't stop stray bullets from warring drug gangs.
These
statements seem to be "common sense" and no doubt have
resonated with many people. The problem, however, is that Sowell
is comparing apples with oranges – and mislabeling them in the process.
For the most part, Sowell is describing criminal activities that
are in the jurisdiction of state courts, not federal courts.
Furthermore,
Kennedy’s remarks were aimed not at sentences handed out to violent
criminals, but rather the draconian punishments that Congress has
demanded be levied on people convicted in federal courts for whom
the punishment does not fit the crime. For all of Sowell’s attempts
to paint Kennedy as simply another "feel good" liberal
who is "soft" on crime, it is Sowell who needs a lesson
in jurisprudence.
One
of the myths that Sowell repeats in his column is that the vast
increase in the prison population over the past two decades is the
reason for the drop in violent crime. He writes:
Justice
Kennedy pointed out that a higher percentage of our population
is imprisoned than the percentage of the population in some other
countries. But it has been precisely since we started locking
up more criminals in the 1980s that our crime rates finally began
to turn downward.
In
fact, the United States imprisons more people than any other nation
on earth, the present prison population here being more than
two million (out of eight million worldwide). Of that near 2.1 million,
approximately 171,500 are in federal prisons, and 84% of the 171,500
inmates have been convicted of non-violent drug offenses.
To
put it another way, Sowell would have one believe that Kennedy is
calling for short sentences for murderers, rapists, and robbers.
Actually, Kennedy is doing nothing more than making a plea for federal
judges to be able to use their powers to assess a given situation
and impose what he or she believes is an appropriate sentence.
Furthermore,
of the near 1.9 million prisoners in the state systems, more than
half of those inmates have been convicted on non-violent drug offenses.
To place these numbers in perspective, in 1980, before the Reagan
and Bush I administrations began the drug war in earnest, 315,000
inmates were incarcerated in state and federal prisons. In 1993,
the first year of Bill Clinton’s presidency, that number had grown
to 910,000. In the past 10 years, the total number of prison inmates
has more than doubled.
No
doubt, with numbers this large, many violent criminals were put
away, but that has always been the case. What we have seen in the
last 20 years, however, has been the proclivity of state and federal
politicians, judges, and bureaucrats to vastly expand the categories
of "criminal behavior" to include those "offenses"
that once would at worst have gone to civil courts – or not even
be pursued at all.
In
the area of federal criminal law, Congress has twisted the Commerce
Clause of the Constitution into unrecognizable shapes, creating
categories of "crime" that historically have not been
considered to be crimes at all. Paul Rosenzweig of the Heritage
Foundation recently wrote a
legal memorandum that declares that much of what Congress and
federal prosecutors declare to be "criminal" activity
is historically dubious. Writes Rosenzweig: "Congress has exercised
precious little self-restraint in expanding the reach of federal
criminal laws to new regulatory areas."
In
their important work, The
Tyranny of Good Intentions, Paul Craig Roberts and
Lawrence M. Stratton demonstrate how the expansion of criminal law
– and especially at the federal level – has resulted in scores of
wrongful convictions, ruined lives, destroyed families and businesses,
and the general loss of liberty of all Americans. Bill Moushey of
the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
in 1998 documented numerous cases of a federal justice bureaucracy
literally out of control, as innocent people spent years in prison
because cynical or dishonest federal prosecutors viewed their cases
as ways for career advancement. Even when prosecutorial misconduct
was clearly exposed, rarely were perpetrators punished, as the feds
tend not to go after their own.
Sowell,
apparently, is not interested in any of this information. Instead,
he would prefer to believe – as perhaps do most Americans – that
only the guilty go to prison and that sentences of 20 years or more
for "crimes" that often fall into the category of technical
or even unintended violations of one of the thousands of federal
regulations that hinder our lives are just and warranted.
It
is this kind of wrong-headed thinking that has made our prison population
explode, something that we believe in the long run makes our society
less safe. From the drug war to the Martha Stewart prosecution,
government has expanded its powers to a point where prosecutors
have become almost invulnerable. History has taught us endlessly
that power indeed corrupts individuals, and that those with the
most power often become the most corrupt.
August 18, 2003
William
L. Anderson, Ph.D. [send him
mail], teaches economics at Frostburg State University in Maryland,
and is an adjunct scholar of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute. Karen
S. Bond [send her mail]
is executive director of Federal Cure, an organization that engages
in advocacy on behalf of the federal inmate population.
Copyright
© 2003 LewRockwell.com
William
Anderson Archives
|