Reverse
Hate Crime in South Carolina – One Year After
On
a November night a little over a year ago, Columbia, S.C. resident
Bill Calliham was driving home from a local Sons of Confederate
Veterans meeting when he noticed the very bright headlights of a
car following him. The car continued following him through the
twists and turns of his neighborhood all the way to his house, blocking
his driveway. When he inquired politely if the person, who happened
to be black, was lost and needed directions, the man set upon him
and sent him to the nearest emergency room.
Bill
Calliham had a South Carolina Sons of Confederate Veterans license
plate on his vehicle along with two square Confederate flag emblems
on either side. Local media as well as the leftist NAACP had been
waging war against Confederate symbols for years; this war culminated
in the removal of the Confederate flag from atop South Carolina’s
State House (a square version now stands on a 30-foot pole behind
the Confederate Soldier Monument). Calliham attributes the attack
to these symbols having been clearly visible to whoever got behind
him in traffic. Nothing else seemed to explain why a total stranger
of another race would follow him home and beat him up on his own
property.
Not a single local media outlet covered the story: not
Columbia’s daily newspaper, not any television station, not any
radio broadcast. This was familiar to those of us who had been following
reverse hate crimes blacks attacking whites, whether because
the latter display Confederate symbols or for no discernable reason
whatsoever. When it became evident that no one else would cover
the story, I did. To my knowledge, my article
was the only public coverage the incident received. The reason: because
it was black-on-white, the police refused to treat it as a hate
crime. Therefore it was not news. Bill Calliham told me how he had
confronted a reporter shortly after he learned that local media
had withdrawn their initial decision to cover the event. “I’m the
wrong color,” he had told her. “If I was black, every radio station,
TV station and Rainbow Coalition member would be in my front yard.” The
reporter, of course, was not to blame. She was no doubt ordered
by her superiors not to publicize the story.
Media
blackouts on black-on-white hate crimes are the norm. A white person
has to be incapacitated or killed before such cases even become
local news. This was the pattern when Troy Knapp was beaten unconscious
by a mob of black teenagers wielding metal trash cans while bicycling
through a North Charleston, S.C. neighborhood the previous year.
Knapp sustained severe head injuries, and languishes in a Charleston-area
nursing home with permanent brain damage.
The
incident was not reported by major media outside the Charleston
area.
And
then there was the incident some have called the Wichita horror
that happened in Kansas a year ago yesterday. In that case, five
close friends, all young professionals in their 20s (three men and
two women), were robbed at gunpoint by two black men, then taken
to a deserted soccer field. The two women were stripped naked,
raped, then forced to perform lewd sex acts on their attackers and
on each other while the three men had to watch. Finally all five
had to kneel, and were then shot, execution style. Miraculously,
one of the women survived. She staggered naked and bloody through
ice and snow in sub-freezing temperatures for more than a mile and
was finally able to obtain help.
Again,
the story was local news only. Were it not for the Internet, most
of us would not even know about it. Yet anyone with functioning
brain cells knows that if the races had been reversed, the national
coverage would have been relentless. It would no doubt accompanied
by appearances by Jesse Jackson (or Al Sharpton) and possibly even
a new (and very well funded) study of “hate crimes” by the Southern
Poverty Law Center.
The
dominant media refuse to report such incidents because they go against
one of the central dogmas of our politically correct time: blacks
as a group are victims first of the legacy of slavery and then of
discrimination and hate. Whites as a group are their victimizers.
So if blacks display anger, they have reason; when they get violent,
their violence can be excused. The term black rage has been
used. In truth, the federal government’s own crime statistics reveal
that 90 percent of all violent interracial crimes are committed
by blacks on whites, not the reverse. Given that blacks only constitute
about 13 percent of the population, a black person is 50 times more
likely than a white person to commit a violent interracial crime.
Many such crimes do not appear to have an economic motive, such
as robbery. In cases such as the Wichita horror, the utter viciousness
of the perpetrators rules out economics as the sole motive even
though there was a robbery.
During
the events last April in Cincinnati, it was the same story. The
scale of events was too large for the media to muzzle altogether,
however, so the Cincinnati riot became national news. The media,
however, could not bring themselves to call it a “riot,” even when
marauding blacks were heaving bricks through windows of cars driven
by whites and setting fires to their businesses. The media (with
the leftist New York Times leading the way) chose to use
sanitized phrases like sporadic protests and vandalism.
The
Cincinnati riot was an attack on white people. This was clear,
because an assault on an albino black woman driver stopped at once
when one of the aggressors shouted, “She’s black!”
Again,
you read about it on the Internet if you read about it at all.
Apparently not all the news is fit to print if it goes against the
grain of political correctness, with the Internet being the largest
medium not subject to political control.
With
the utter lack of media coverage, there were no means of following
ensuing events in the Calliham case here especially since
Bill Calliham’s injuries were much less severe than in the above
cases. So I never learned whether police caught and arrested someone
for the crime. I knew I wouldn’t hear anything from local media,
so I recently decided to touch base and do the follow-up myself
for the same reason I wrote the original article: if I didn’t,
then who would?
In
fact, the Callihams had been able to identify the perpetrator
through his car, a black Lexus with four large headlights, which
almost by chance they spotted in a garage not far from where the
Callihams lived. Having done the detective work themselves, they
were able to inform the police where to find Bill Calliham’s attacker.
One day they actually sighted the person outside in his driveway
washing the car, utterly unconcerned that he might be recognized.
They turned the license plate number over to the police. Finally,
with four months now having gone by, the person was questioned.
He
admitted that there had been a violent altercation, but blamed Calliham
for it. In fact, the person presented a scenario that was almost
the reverse of Bill Calliham’s original story. He contended that
Calliham had followed him. He claimed that his “fight” with
Calliham had been in self-defense, that Calliham had made “racial
slurs” and then “sucker-punched” him.
Why,
then, hadn’t he been the one to call the police, and not
Bill Calliham?
Because,
the answer goes, he “was too embarrassed.”
Calliham
may not have been injured as severely as was Troy Knapp, but his
health problems have increased since the incident. He suffers occasional
attacks of dizziness and confusion. He has experienced being out
driving and suddenly losing track of where he was or where he had
been going. He has been to the hospital to have this looked into,
but so far no one has been able to explain it. Both he and his
wife have reported sleeplessness and extreme apprehension.
This
was a man who served this country for 27 years in the Army. He
was far from a stranger to potentially dangerous situations, therefore,
also having worked for both the Columbia Housing Authority and the
South Carolina Department of Social Services. He was able to state
the philosophy that had guided his actions back then in a single
sentence: “If you treat everybody nicely, you’ll get the same respect
back.”
That
philosophy might have worked before the political correctness era.
Then began a period of leftist professors, media pundits and unscrupulous
lawyers of the Johnnie Cochran persuasion “playing the race card”
at every opportunity, shouting from the rooftops about how blacks
were still suffering from this country’s legacy of slavery, how
whites owe “reparations,” etc.
The
Richland County Sheriff’s Department declined to prosecute the Calliham
case, claiming to have two different versions of events neither
of which could be corroborated. The police closed the case without
even issuing a warrant for simple battery (a misdemeanor). Bill
Calliham, having had no luck with either the police or criminal
prosecutors, has been forced to hire his own attorney and pursue
that matter in civil court. Just finding an attorney was not an
easy matter, despite a substantial file folder of evidence: the
original police report, pictures of his face following the attack,
hospital bills, results of cat-scans, his wife’s testimony and the
testimony of a neighbor, as well as that of other character witnesses.
“We’re going to court to see if justice will be done,” he told me.
“So far we haven’t seen justice. The RCSD wouldn’t do anything.
The solicitors wouldn’t do anything. The magistrates wouldn’t do
anything. Two lawyers wouldn’t take the case. But I’m still trying
to get this solved through the courts.”
It
has now been over a year. We’re waiting.
December
17, 2001
Steven
Yates [send him mail]
has a Ph.D. in Philosophy and is the author of Civil
Wrongs: What Went Wrong With Affirmative Action (ICS Press,
1994). He is a professional writer at work on a number of projects
including a work of political philosophy, The Paradox of Liberty.
He also writes for the Edgefield
Journal, and is available for lectures. He has set up a small
freelance writing business, Millennium 3 Communications. Currently
living in Columbia, South Carolina, he will join the Mises Institute
early next year as a Rowley Fellow.
Copyright
© 2001 LewRockwell.com
Steven
Yates Archives
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