Weapons of Mass Distraction
by
Laurence
M. Vance
by Laurence M. Vance
"Saddam
Hussein is a man who told the world he wouldn’t have weapons of
mass destruction, but he’s got them." ~ President Bush, November
3, 2002.
"Simply
stated, there is no doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons
of mass destruction. There is no doubt he is amassing them to
use against our friends, against our allies, and against us."
~ Vice President Dick Cheney, August 26, 2002.
It was three
years ago, on March 20, 2003, and 2,317 American soldiers’ lives
ago, that the United States invaded Iraq and launched an unconstitutional,
unjust, illegal, immoral, and unnecessary war of aggression because
of Iraq’s "weapons of mass destruction." But as everyone
now knows, except for a few diehard armchair warriors, Bush the
Messiah apologists, Republican Party loyalists, and pathetic Christian
warmongers who refuse to acknowledge the facts, Iraq neither had
any of these weapons nor was in a position to threaten anyone with
them.
In the "Authorization
for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002,"
which passed the House on October 10 by a vote of 296-133, passed
the Senate the next day by a vote of 77-23, and was signed into
law (PL 107-243) by President Bush on October 16, there are six
references to Iraq’s "weapons of mass destruction":
Whereas Iraq,
in direct and flagrant violation of the cease-fire, attempted
to thwart the efforts of weapons inspectors to identify and destroy
Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction stockpiles and
development capabilities,
Whereas in
1998 Congress concluded that Iraq’s continuing weapons
of mass destruction programs threatened vital United States
interests and international peace and security,
Whereas the
current Iraqi regime has demonstrated its capability and
willingness to use weapons of mass destruction against
other nations and its own people;
Whereas Iraq’s
demonstrated capability and willingness to use weapons of mass
destruction,
Whereas United
Nations Security Council Resolution 678 authorizes the use of
all necessary means to enforce United Nations Security Council
Resolution 660 and subsequent relevant resolutions and to compel
Iraq to cease certain activities that threaten international
peace and security, including the development of weapons of
mass destruction and refusal or obstruction of United Nations
weapons inspections
Whereas the
United States is determined to prosecute the war on terrorism
and Iraq’s ongoing support for international terrorist
groups combined with its development of weapons of mass destruction
in direct violation of its obligations under the 1991 cease-fire
and other United Nations Security Council resolutions
But it was
all a lie. There were no weapons of mass destruction (unless you
count the weapons
the United States sold Iraq in the 1980s when Saddam
Hussein was our "friend").
According to
the Duelfer
Report – the final report on Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction
by the Pentagon and CIA organized Iraq Survey Group – Iraq had no
deployable weapons of mass destruction on the eve of the U.S. invasion
in March 2003, and had not produced any since 1991.
Bush’s callous
response to the continued absence of weapons of mass destruction
was a comedy routine at the March 2004 Radio
and Television Correspondents Association Dinner in which photos
were shown of the president looking for weapons of mass destruction
in the Oval Office and saying: "Those weapons of mass destruction
have got to be somewhere." Although there was much
laughter at the president’s remarks, some people were
not laughing.
Iraq’s weapons
of mass destruction were nothing more than weapons of mass distraction.
The president
laughed because the weapons of mass destruction were just a ruse.
It was old news before the Downing
Street Memo was made public that Bush wanted to invade Iraq
soon after the September 11th attacks, despite his father’s
warning:
Trying to
eliminate Saddam, extending the ground war into an occupation
of Iraq, would have violated our guideline about not changing
objectives in midstream, engaging in "mission creep,"
and would have incurred incalculable human and political costs.
. . . We would have been forced to occupy Baghdad and, in effect,
rule Iraq. . . . There was no viable "exit strategy"
we could see, violating another of our principles. Furthermore,
we had been consciously trying to set a pattern for handling aggression
in the post Cold War world. Going in and occupying Iraq, thus
unilaterally exceeding the United Nations’ mandate, would have
destroyed the precedent of international response to aggression
that we hoped to establish. Had we gone the invasion route, the
United States could conceivably still be an occupying power in
a bitterly hostile land (George H. W. Bush, A
World Transformed, 1999, p. 489).
The
case has even been made that the die was cast at the first meeting
of the new National Security Council in January of 2001 after Bush
assumed the office of president. From then on it was merely a question
of when, not if, the invasion of Iraq would take place.
But even before
Bush was elected, the September 2000 publication, Rebuilding
America’s Defenses: Strategies, Forces and Resources For A New Century,
by the neocon Project
for the New American Century (PNAC), shows that the attack on
September 11th merely provided an "opportunity"
for the United States to take military control of the Middle East.
September 11th was the Bush administration’s "Pearl
Harbor." The roots of this go back, not just to the need for
a new enemy after the demise of the Cold War (first Saddam Hussein,
and now militant Islam), but to the U.S.
government’s overthrow of the democratically elected prime minister
of Iran in 1953.
But what if
Iraq did possess those dreaded weapons of mass destruction? Would
possession alone have justified the U.S. invasion? Would possession
in conjunction with other factors have justified the U.S. invasion?
Absolutely
not.
Let’s make
this easy and focus on just the most lethal of all weapons of mass
destruction – nuclear weapons. Even if Iraq possessed nuclear weapons,
there is absolutely no reason why the United States would be justified
in attacking and invading a sovereign country – no matter what we
thought of that country’s ruler, system of government, economic
policies, religious intolerance, or human rights record.
First of all,
who is the United States to say that a country should or shouldn’t
have nuclear weapons? When did the countries of the world appoint
America to be the world’s policeman, legislator, guardian, or sovereign?
Second, there
are four countries which are not signers of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty: India, Pakistan, Israel, and North Korea (North Korea initially
ratified but then withdrew from the treaty in 2003). All four of
these countries have nuclear weapons, although Israel has not publicly
acknowledged the extent of its nuclear capabilities. When is the
United States going to attack and invade these countries to remove
their stockpiles of nuclear weapons?
Third, there
are four countries (France, China, Russia, & the UK) besides
the United States which are permitted by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty to have nuclear weapons (because they possessed them at the
time the treaty was promulgated). Why does the United States tolerate
the massive amount of nuclear weapons in those countries and at
the same time worry about some other country acquiring a few nuclear
warheads? It can’t be because those four countries are "friends"
of the United States. Only the United Kingdom can be so classified.
And now some warmongers want us to go
to war with Iran, which has signed and never violated the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty.
Fourth, every
country in the world is justified in obtaining nuclear weapons to
protect themselves against the one country that was the first county
to develop nuclear weapons, the only county to use nuclear weapons,
and the country that has the largest stockpile of nuclear weapons
– the United States of America.
But, say the
aforementioned armchair warriors, Bush apologists, Republican loyalists,
and Christian warmongers, the difference between Iraq and all these
other countries is that Iraq was a threat to the United States,
its neighbors in the Middle East, and the state of Israel. First
of all, the idea that Iraq was in any way a threat to the United
States (other
than by switching its oil export currency to euros) is so ludicrous
that I will not waste any keyboard strokes to discuss it. Second,
Iraq was a shell of a country after years of sanctions, with no
navy or air force and an army that was considerably weaker than
it was during the first Persian Gulf War. And third, Israel had
enough tanks, ships, submarines, armored fighting vehicles, helicopter
gunships, combat aircraft, bombs, rockets, missiles, heavy guns,
and enough other assorted weaponry to destroy Iraq many times over
if Saddam Hussein actually posed a credible threat to Israel’s security.
By
distracting the American people with the red herring of weapons
of mass destruction, Bush and company were able to garner the support
of the majority of the American public for what has turned out to
be an absolute disaster for Iraqi people and a quagmire for the
United States. We can only hope and pray that Bush leaves office
in disgrace – preferably before January 19, 2009, the last full
day of his second term.
March
20, 2006
Laurence
M. Vance [send him mail]
is a freelance writer and an adjunct instructor in accounting and
economics at Pensacola Junior College in Pensacola, FL. He is also
the director of the Francis
Wayland Institute. His new book is Christianity
and War and Other Essays Against the Warfare State. Visit
his website.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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