A
Political Theory of Geeks and Wonks
by
Jeffrey A. Tucker
DIGG THIS
Lots
of people get interested in political ideas through political campaigns.
Maybe this is because politics forces you to decide who you are
and what you believe.
I can vaguely
recall when I was very young, perhaps 7 years old, that I discovered
that my best friend's family considered themselves Democratic whereas
I was pretty sure that my family was Republican.
I asked someone
what that meant and only received hazy answers that concerned seemingly
big issues about government. I didn't think much about it but nonetheless,
they were my first thoughts on the thing that would consume my life.
So it is for
lots of people: politics is the entry way into taking political
ideas seriously. If your interest intensifies, you tend to go one
of two ways: wonk or geek. These are terms that apply in many categories
of life – Wikipedia gives serviceable definitions of both wonk
and geek – but
the terms take on new meaning in politics.
Political wonks
are fascinated by process. They love the game. They get as much
satisfaction from observing as changing. They want to be players
above all else. Ideals bore them. History is mere data. Intellectuals
seem irrelevant. What matters to the wonk are the hard realities
of the ongoing political struggle. They defer to title and rank.
They thrive on meetings, small victories, administrative details,
and gossip about these matters. Knowing who is who and what is what
is the very pith of life.
There are political
wonks and policy wonks. They exist on all levels of society. They
appear to be running things, because their aim is to control the
levers of power in just the right and strategic way, which means
in a way that benefits the other wonks of their tribe. Geographically,
life begins and ends in the beltway. They thrive on keeping information
private and cartelizing their class. Their newspaper is the Washington
Post, which they consider to be the insider report.
In contrast
to this are the policy geeks. They are no less fascinated by detail
but are drawn to ideals. Observation alone bores them. They are
drawn to the prospect of change. They don't want to be players as
such; they question the very rules of the game and want to change
them. They are happy to make a difference in the ideological infrastructure,
whether big or small. They tend to work alone and totally disregard
caste distinctions. They are interested not in the surface area
but what's underneath, not the veneer but the wood. In software
terms, they are forever looking forward to the next build. They
are risk takers, so they prefer to debug after the system is live.
In politics,
this means that the geeks are drawn to ideas, even radical ideas.
They can easily imagine what doesn't exist, which makes them dreamers
and entrepreneurs. And so they are attracted to and study history
and philosophy and economics. It doesn't matter if a lesson can
be learned from the ancients or moderns; indeed, unearthing an old
idea and bringing it back to life has a special appeal. They thrive
on making information public, on smashing old structures, breaking
cartels, and busting monopolies of power. Geographically, they can
live and work anywhere, and they have no attachment to any single
information source.
The geeks and
wonks can work together but their will always be a natural tensions
between the two. The wonks think the geeks are hopeless, powerless,
reckless outsiders whose heads are full of useless and unrealistic
fantasies. The geeks think that the wonks are part of the system
and, therefore, more than likely corrupted by it, and increasingly
so.
Broadening
the view, the struggle to control history is a battle between the
wonks and the geeks. The wonks are the ones who consolidate, stabilize,
and entrench the status quo; the geeks are the ones who prepare
revolutionary change. The wonks freeze it into place and make it
work more efficiently; the geeks imagine and work toward a future
that no one thought was possible. They wonks rule out drastic and
extreme measures as imprudent and reckless; the geeks think these
paths are the only ones worth pursing, and have confidence that
the unknown future will somehow work itself out. The wonks try to
bring the king around to their point of view; the geeks kill the
king.
Caesar: Wonk
Brutus: Geek
Hamilton: Wonk
Jefferson:
Geek
Cheney: Wonk
Ron Paul: Geek
Part of the
agenda of democracy is to turn the whole of society into a herd
of wonks who believe in the process and want to make it work. But
it isn't so easy to control human nature. There are always the geeks
to contend with who see that the system is based on a lie and want
to overturn it. Why should the majority rule the minority – or,
more precisely, why should the well-organized minority rule the
relatively indifferent majority? What we need is democracy 2.0 in
which power and privilege are not steered but abolished altogether.
Who will carry
the day? In the short run, the wonks are right. They win. They rule.
They ruled the ancient world for hundreds of years. They ruled the
Soviet Union for 72. They rule the US today. But the long run is
another matter. Rome and the Soviet Union fell, in revolutions enacted
by geeks. The wonks eventually come to underestimate the power of
ideas and underappreciate the effect of ideals.
Which
life is worth living? The wonk is famous, even legendary. The geek
rarely achieves fame, even when he does change history. Why? The
wonks write the history. But it is the geeks who make history happen
in the first place. The geeks will look back at their lives with
satisfaction that they did their best to realize a dream. The wonks,
looking back at their lives, see that they were little more than
a cog in a machine. Someday, even in the US, they may have to concede
that all they did crumbled into nothingness.
See
the Ron Paul File
August
29, 2007
Jeffrey
Tucker [send him mail]
is editorial vice president of www.Mises.org.
Comment on
the Mises blog.
Copyright
© 2007 Mises Institute
Jeffrey
Tucker Archives
|