Uncomfortable Parallels
by
Mark Thornton
by Mark Thornton
The first
“new era” of the twentieth century took place during the 1920s.
World War I had ravaged the developed world, central banks had
been established across the globe, and the U.S. had become an
economic and military power. The Progressive Era had reinvented
America, giving women the right to vote, establishing a federal
income tax, and prohibiting alcohol across the nation. With the
world at peace and a series of tax cuts, the U.S. had a prosperous
economy during the 1920s.
[1]
The decade
also experienced a technological revolution as important as the
world has ever experienced. This was the decade when the airplane
and automobile went into mass production. In communication, it
was the onset of mass availability of the telephone and radio.
Motion pictures were invented, along with household appliances
such as the dishwasher, electric toaster, and refrigerator. The
use of petroleum products and electricity increased dramatically
while the use of manual power decreased. Assembly-line production
became ubiquitous and was seen as the key to industrial progress.
The period
of economic boom and stock market bubble during the 1920s is often
referred to as the Roaring Twenties. It was far from a utopian
time given all the crime, corruption, and violence created by
alcohol prohibition, and there were clearly imbalances and instability
in the economy. None of this, however, could discourage or dissuade
the optimists of this “new era.” Edward Angly (1931)
[2]
compiled from newspapers and public records a chronicle of
quotations of new era thinking during the bubble and its aftermath.
A prime example was this “new era” thinking came from Herbert
Hoover in his speech accepting the Republican Party nomination
for President where he proclaimed (8/11/1928):
Unemployment
in the sense of distress is widely disappearing…We in America
today are nearer to the final triumph over poverty than ever before
in the history of any land. The poor-house is vanishing from among
us. We have not reached the goal, but given a chance to go forward
with the policies of the last eight years, and we shall soon with
the help of God be in sight of the day when poverty will be banished
from this nation. There is no guarantee against poverty equal
to a job for every man. That is the primary purpose of the economic
policies we advocate.
Not surprisingly
Hoover rested the booming prosperity of the 1920s on the economic
policies of his Republican Party.
Industrialists
also saw a new era. Magnus Alexander, the President of the National
Industrial Conference Board, said in 1927: “there is no reason
why there should be any more panics.” The President of the Pierce
Arrow Motors Car Company, Myron Forbes, believed (1/1/1928) that
there “will be no interruption of our present prosperity,” while
Irving Bush, the President of the Bush Terminal Company proclaimed
(11/15/1928) that “we are at the beginning of a period that will
go down in history as the golden age.”
Charles Schwab,
the chairman of Bethlehem Steel, noted on March 5th,
1929 that “I do not feel there is any danger to the public in
the present situation” and on October 25th, 1929 in
a speech to the American Iron and Steel Institute reassured members
that “in my long association with the steel industry I have never
known it to enjoy a greater stability or more promising outlook
than it does today.” As is typical of new era “philosophy,” in
October of 1931 he blamed the depression on psychological factors:
“the overliquidated prices of many securities are a sign of too
short perspective and too excitable temperament.”
The financial
press was similarly intoxicated, with the Wall Street Journal
reporting: (10/26/1929) “Conditions do not seem to foreshadow
anything more formidable than an arrest of stock activity and
business prosperity like that in 1923. Suggestions that the wiping
out of paper profits will reduce the country’s real purchasing
power seem far-fetched.” Syndicated columnist Arthur Brisbane
reported that “those that foolishly talk about a national panic,
will please remember that the income of this nation is one hundred
billion dollars per year” (10/30/29); that “business is good,
money is cheap” (11/9/29); and that “it ought to be a good year”
(11/20/29).
Later he
encouraged his readers by reporting that “all the really important
millionaires are planning to continue prosperity” (11/26/29) and
that “if every man would learn to talk about the country’s progress
and future as a young mother talks about her new baby, there would
be no danger of hard times” (12/3/29). By the end of 1929 he declared
the economic crisis over noting: “now that the ‘big wind’ that
swept through Wall Street, blowing away paper profits, has died
down, there are sad hearts, but no real losses” (1/1/30) and that
“it is safe to say that the peak of idleness has about been reached,
with better conditions coming” (1/8/30). As the economy worsened
and unemployment continued to mount, Brisbane’s assurances became
increasingly bizarre:
Sometimes
when things go wrong, it is a comfort to be reminded that nothing
matters very much. If the earth fell toward the sun, it would
melt like a flake of snow falling on a red-hot stove (1/2/31).
Politicians
were big promoters and defenders of the new era. Secretary of
the Treasury, Andrew Mellon, told the American people at the peak
of the boom (September 1928) that there “is no cause for worry.
The high tide of prosperity will continue.” As unemployment continued
to mount after the stock market crash, he reassured Americans
on New Year’s Day of 1930: “I see nothing, however, in the present
situation that is either menacing or warrants pessimism. During
the winter months there may be some slackness or unemployment,
but hardly more that at this season each year. I have every confidence
that there will be a revival of activity in the spring and that
during the coming year the country will make steady progress.”
Republican officials continued to report throughout 1930 that
the economy was fine, that conditions were satisfactory, that
the worst was already over, that things will improve in a couple
of weeks and that signs of recovery are everywhere. However, by
the end of 1930 some panic and confusion had broken into Republican
ranks. Simeon Fess, the Chairman of the Republican National Committee,
complained (10/15/1930):
Persons
high in Republican circles are beginning to believe that there
is some concerted effort on foot to utilize the stock market as
a method of discrediting the administration. Every time an Administration
official gives out an optimistic statement about business conditions,
the market immediately drops.
This statement
admits of both alarm and paranoia and, if true, indicates that
the “market” had finally entered a phase of disbelief in the pronouncements
from the White House, based largely on their past inaccuracies.
Irving Fisher
was one of the most prominent economists of the period and is
still consider by mainstream economists to be one of the greatest
American economist of all time. He was an enthusiastic supporter
of Herbert Hoover and believed that the great economic prosperity
of the 1920s was attributable to alcohol prohibition and, most
importantly, the “scientific” stabilization of the dollar that
had been undertaken by the Federal Reserve. Naturally with both
policies firmly in place, Fisher was completely blindsided by
the Great Depression. On the eve of the Great Stock Market Crash
of 1929 (9/5/29) Fisher reassured investors that he foresaw no
problem in the stock market:
There may
be a recession in stock prices, but not anything in the nature
of a crash. Dividend returns on stocks are moving higher. This
is not due to receding prices for stocks, and will not be hastened
by any anticipated crash, the possibility of which I fail to
see. A
few years ago people were as much afraid of common stocks as
they were of a red-hot poker. In the popular mind there was
a tremendous risk in common stocks. Why? Mainly because the
average investor could afford to invest in only one common stock.
Today he obtains wide and well managed diversification of stock
holding by purchasing shares in good investment trusts.
Unfortunately,
while Fisher continued to preach that stocks had reached a “permanently
high plateau” throughout October of 1929, stocks lost one-third
of their value. Diversification via investment trusts (like the
mutual funds of today) might have encouraged people to invest
in stocks, but it did little to protect their wealth. The market
value of investment trusts fell 95% over the two years following
his prediction and the Dow lost nearly 90% of its peak value.
Well after
the fact, Irving Fisher identified most precisely and perceptively
what he meant by a “New Era.” In trying to identify the cause
of the stock market crash and depression he found most explanations
lacking. What he did find was that new eras occurred when technology
allowed for higher productivity, lower costs, more profits, and
higher stock prices:
In
such a period, the commodity market and the stock market are apt
to diverge; commodity prices falling by reason of the lowered
cost, and stock prices rising by reason of the increased profits.
In a word, this was an exceptional period – really a “New Era.”
[3]
The key development
of the 1920s was that monetary inflation did not show up in price
inflation as measured by price indexes. As Fisher noted: “One
warning, however, failed to put in an appearance – the commodity
price level did not rise.” He suggested that price inflation
would have normally kept economic excesses in check, but that
price indexes have “theoretical imperfections.”
[4]
During
and after the World War, it (wholesale commodity price level)
responded very exactly to both inflation and deflation. If it
did not do so during the inflationary period from 192329,
this was partly because trade had grown with the inflation, and
partly because technological improvements had reduced the cost,
so that many producers were able to get higher profits without
charging higher prices.
[5]
Fisher had
stumbled near a correct understanding of the problem of new-era
thinking. Technology can drive down costs and increase profits,
creating periods of economic euphoria, where economic signals
would otherwise inject greater caution and clearer thinking. However,
he never lost his faith in scientific management of the economy,
or his devotion to idea of a stable dollar. Fisher’s detailed
analysis and painstaking investigations of the crash also did
little to improve his economic forecasting.
As
this book goes to press (September 1932) recovery seems to be
in sight. In the course of about two months, stocks have nearly
doubled in price and commodities have risen 5½. European stock
prices were the first to rise, and European buyers were among
the first to make themselves felt in the American market.
[6]
He attributed
this “success” to reflationary measures that were of deliberate
“human effort more than a mere pendulum reaction.”
[7]
Unfortunately, not only was his prediction wrong – the world
was only at the end of the beginning of the Great Depression –
the “human effort” that he thought was the tonic of recovery was
actually the toxin of lingering depression. He scoffed at the
“mere pendulum reaction” of the market economy that can correct
for the excesses in the economy by liquidating capital and credit,
a concept that he clearly opposed.
Was the Great
Depression Predictable? Was it preventable? The failure of the
market economy to “right itself” in the wake of the Great Crash
is the most pivotal development in modern economic history and
its impact has continued to shape mass ideology and to determine
public institutions and policy. Unfortunately, few saw the development
of the stock market bubble, its cause, or predicted the bust and
the resulting depression.
In Austria,
economist Ludwig von Mises apparently saw the problem developing
in its early stages and forecast to colleagues the crash of the
large Austrian bank, Credit Anstalt, as early as 1924. More importantly,
he wrote a full analysis
of Irving Fisher’s monetary reforms, published in 1928, where
he targeted Fisher’s reliance on the price index as a key vulnerability
that would bring about Great Depression, concluding: “because
of the imperfection of the index number, these calculations would
necessarily lead in time to errors of very considerable proportions.”
Mises found
that Fisher’s attempt to stabilize purchasing power was riddled
with inherent technical difficulties and was incapable of achieving
its goals. “In regard to the role of money as a standard of deferred
payments, the verdict must be that, for long-term contracts, Fisher’s
scheme is inadequate. For short-term commitments, it is both inadequate
and superfluous.” He then demonstrated how Fisher-type monetary
reforms cause booms and that these booms inevitably result in
crisis and stagnation, and he attributes the popularity of his
reforms and the resulting cycle to political influence and bad
ideology:
The
fact that each crisis, with its unpleasant consequences, is followed
once more by a new “boom,” which must eventually expend itself
as another crisis, is due only to the circumstances that the ideology
which dominates all influential groups – political economists,
politicians, statesmen, the press and the business world – not
only sanctions, but also demands, the expansion of circulation
credit.
In addition
to demonstrating the inevitability of the crisis, he clearly identified
its cause, where most others could not:
It
is clear that the crisis must come sooner or later. It is also
clear that the crisis must always be caused, primarily and directly,
by the change in the conduct of the banks. If we speak of error
on the part of the banks, however, we must point to the wrong
they do in encouraging the upswing. The fault lies, not with the
policy of raising the interest rate, but only with the fact that
it was raised too late.
He
showed that the central bank’s attempt to keep interest rates
low and to maintain the boom only makes the crisis worse. Despite
the tremendous odds against the adoption of his solution, he ends
his analysis with a prescription for preventing future cycles.
The
only way to do away with, or even to alleviate, the periodic return
of the trade cycle – with its denouement, the crisis – is to reject
the fallacy that prosperity can be produced by using banking procedures
to make credit cheap.
[8]
In addition
to von Mises, his student F. A. Hayek published several articles
in early 1929 in which he predicted the collapse of the American
boom. Felix Somary, who like Mises was a student at the University
of Vienna, issued several dire warning in the late 1920s, and
in America economists Benjamin Anderson and E.C. Harwood also
warned that the Federal Reserve policies would cause a crisis,
but like Somary, they were largely ignored.
[9]
Notes:
[1]
Robert B. Ekelund, Jr. and Mark Thornton, "Schumpeterian
Analysis, Supply‑Side Economics, and Macroeconomic Policy
in the 1920s," Review of Social Economy, Vol. XLIV
No.3 (December, 1986) pp. 221237.
[2]
Edward Angly, Oh
Yeah?, New York: Viking Press, 1931.
[3]
Irving Fisher, Booms and Depressions: Some First Principles,
New York: Adelphi Company, 1932, p. 75.
April
18, 2004
Mark
Thornton [send him mail]
is an economist who lives in Auburn, Alabama. He is author of The
Economics of Prohibition,
is a senior fellow with the Ludwig
von Mises Institute, and is the Book Review Editor for the Quarterly
Journal of Austrian Economics.
He is co-author of Tariffs,
Blockades, and Inflation: The Economics of the Civil War.
Copyright
© 2004 LewRockwell.com
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Thornton Archives
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