It is interesting
to observe the Bush administration’s self-righteous posturing
over the question of whether Iran is – or should be prevented
from – developing a nuclear weapons system. Coming from a country
that holds some ten to twelve thousand of such weapons in its
quiver, American appeals to the dangers of nuclear proliferation
seem hypocritical and self-serving. On the other hand, allowing
only the charter members of the nuclear club in on the racket
does have the same purpose, at the international level, that gun-control
laws serve domestically: to disarm those the empire wishes to
control with the threat of superiority in weaponry.
Please
do not misunderstand what I am saying. I have no use for military
weapons of any sort. They are, by definition, instruments
of death used by the state to subdue people and enforce their
obedience through violence. Two medieval statues at the entrance
to the royal castle in Prague illustrate this most vividly. One
shows a brute about to slay his prostrate victim with a sword,
while the other depicts a victim about to be done in by a plug-ugly
wielding a club. At least there was truth-in-advertising in such
statuary! The methods of the state have never changed; there has
only been an improvement in the capacity of political systems
to inflict massive numbers of deaths upon the innocent.
Bear in mind
that this current anti-nuclear crusade is not directed at any
of the established nuclear club members. Russia, China, and Pakistan,
for instance, are too well endowed with such weaponry for the
American government to take its own rhetoric seriously at the
expense of these countries. A bully would never be so foolish
as to go after anyone of comparable strength. This is why bullies
confine their attacks to the likes of Iraq, Libya, Grenada, Kosovo,
Lebanon, Somalia, the Sudan, Afghanistan, and other nations too
weak to pose a genuine threat. While a few mumblings were directed
at North Korea – particularly when it was test-firing missiles
– the Bush administration knew better than to talk of “preemptive
strikes” against a nuclear-armed dictator.
This moralistic
crusade is rendered absurd when one recalls that Bush administration
sociopaths have publicly stated either their willingness to employ
multiple nuclear strikes upon “suspected” targets, or their refusal
to rule out the use of nuclear weapons in the “war on terror.”
Is it any wonder, given such pronouncements, that countries considered
persona non grata by this administration might want to discourage
such attacks by having nuclear weapons of their own with which
to threaten retaliation?
Most Americans
have a naïve opinion of how the rest of the world views their
country. This is why so many were easily gulled by Bush administration
lies into believing that the Iraqi people would welcome American
soldiers as “liberators.” After all, isn’t this view consistent
with World War II newsreels showing crowds of French or Italians
cheering the arrival of American tanks that replaced Nazi invaders
and occupiers?
But the United
States no longer basks in the reflected glory of its soldiers
unlocking the gates of concentration camps, or handing out chocolate
bars to children. Americans are now seen as the invaders
and occupiers. The humanitarian image began to tarnish at least
as early as the nuclear attacks upon Hiroshima and Nagasaki, atrocities
that most of the world now recognize as serving American postwar
geopolitical interests, rather than the propagandized purpose
of shortening the war. These bombings – along with earlier raids
on such non-military targets as Tokyo, Dresden, Würzburg, Hamburg,
and other population centers – revealed to the world that not
even an American government was immune to the vicious and inhumane
virus of state power.
I recall
a 1980s-era television talk show featuring Phil Donahue and a
Soviet journalist, Vladimir Posner. On one program, a discussion
of nuclear weaponry ensued; and Donahue was troubled by the fear,
apparently expressed by many Russians, that the United States
might use such weapons. “But what would make the Russian people
think that Americans would do such a thing?” Donahue queried.
“Because you’re the only country in history that has done so,”
replied Posner.
I have long
believed that the people who comprise any nation are always more
decent and of higher character than those who run their governments.
Most Americans probably think of themselves as peaceful, loving
individuals who respect other people. It is doubtless this sense
that causes those who identify themselves with their nation-state
to reject accusations of torture, murder, genocide, and other
vile practices committed in their name.
On the other
hand, each of us has a “dark side” to our personality, wherein
lie unconscious voices and forces that remind us of the negative
qualities that we share with the rest of mankind by virtue of
our humanity. Each of us has the capacity for violence, dishonesty,
laziness, irresponsibility, and other attributes we are uncomfortable
acknowledging, particularly to ourselves. This is not to suggest
that we act upon such traits; it is sufficient that we
fear that, properly motivated, we might so act.
Many – perhaps
most – of us are uncomfortable confronting our “dark side,” and
try to rid our sense of self of such qualities by projecting them
onto those we have selected as “scapegoats” for our own felt shortcomings.
Wars have been the most vicious and destructive manifestation
of our projections. Wanting to extend their own power over
other parts of the world, political leaders convince their citizenry
that a competitor state has plans to “take over the world,” and
must be militarily opposed. The state must then unleash the “dark
side” forces of its followers with a sufficient ferocity to enlist
their participation in its butcherous schemes.
Fear, driven
by lies and the fabrication of foreign threats (e.g., the blowing
up of the battleship Maine, the sinking of the Lusitania,
or the attack on Pearl Harbor), becomes the trigger that allows
most of us to lose our individual sense of reason, decency, and
responsibility, in a herd-oriented mindset. Like members of a
lynch-mob, we are then inclined to strike out at any designated
scapegoat whose punishment, we delude ourselves, will relieve
the anxiety brought on by this fear not so much of others,
as of ourselves.
The war against
Iraq could not have been undertaken without the arousal of fears
– generated by a consistent pattern of governmental and media
lies – that Iraq had “weapons of mass destruction” which they
intended for immediate use upon America. Coming on the heels of
9/11, the boobeoisie fell for this big lie with the same eagerness
as earlier generations had in earlier wars.
How does
any of this relate to the American government’s current campaign
against Iran acquiring nuclear weapons? In the case of either
Iraq or Iran, why would “weapons of mass destruction” arouse the
fears of Americans? Is it just the destructive capacity of such
tools? If this is the explanation, why aren’t such fears directed
against Great Britain, Israel, France, India, or the United States
loosing such destructive power upon the world? The United States
has not only used such weapons in the past, but has expressed
its willingness to use them in the present. Why is this fact not
strong enough to overcome the blatant lies that keep American
troops in Iraq, with an American public uncertain as to whether
to end the conflagration?
Might psychological
projection offer some explanation for this response to alleged
Iranian plans to get into the nuclear weapons racket? Other than
the faithful viewers of Faux News, perhaps, few will doubt
that the invention of nuclear weaponry was a dreadful mistake
in human judgment. It was brought on, of course, by a faith in
the dualistic nature of political systems: the “good guys” against
the “bad guys.” Nuclear scientists – operating as the “Manhattan
Project” failed to see the implications not only of creating
weapons capable of destroying all of life on this planet, but
of turning them over to political systems whose “health,” as Randolph
Bourne advised, is to be found in the conduct of wars.
Even
as the debate over Iranian nuclear research escalates, the American
government – with already the second largest stockpile of nuclear
weapons – is overseeing a contest between the Lawrence Livermore
National Laboratory, and the Los Alamos National Laboratory, to
create a new-and-improved nuclear bomb. Such a weapon will then
be available for use by a government that has already indicated
its willingness to once again employ it against other nations.
Is
it unreasonable to suppose that the basis for the “dark side”
fears – and, perhaps the guilt – emanating from the monstrously
destructive research of the Manhattan Project, and being continued
today by the same American state, are being projected onto the
likes of Iraq and Iran? Might the baseless fear that “they” have
“weapons of mass destruction” operate as a psychological cover
for the fact that the United States has been both the creator
and exporter of such horrendous weaponry? Are Americans to take
comfort in slaughtering the innocent civilians of other countries
as a way of relieving themselves of the sense of guilt that their
nation – with which they identify – was the one to have created
and employed the Frankenstein monster against which they now rail?