~ Leo Tolstoy
The cable
newscaster chirped: “what is the cause of rising gasoline prices?
That depends upon your point of view.” By this standard, the causal
explanations offered by any nit-witted galoot achieve a credibility
equal to that of the most carefully-informed student of the subject.
In an age in which public opinion polls weigh more heavily than
empirical and reasoned analyses in evaluating events, the communal
mindset of dullards may prevail by sheer numbers.
If, according
to this newscaster, my “point of view” is that sun spots are “the
cause of rising gasoline prices,” I have explained the current
pricing phenomenon. Because such a theory would exceed the boundaries
of what even the collective clueless would tolerate, more plausible
– though equally erroneous – explanations must be sought. Those
looking for simplistic answers to complex problems will find greater
comfort in “oil company price gouging” as the underlying reason
for fifty dollar visits to neighborhood gas pumps.
One of my
students – picking up on the “price gouging” theme – opined that
monopolistic oil company greed was to blame for these price increases.
“First of all,” I responded, “why do you characterize the petroleum
industry as ‘monopolistic’? It is highly competitive. Secondly,
why do you think that it took a century for ‘greedy’ oil company
leaders to figure out that the demand for gasoline was so inelastic
that customers would be willing to pay over $3.00 per gallon to
buy it? Furthermore, have you ever asked yourself why the prices
of gold and oil have consistently paralleled one another over
the years? Why do you suppose this is? Has the petroleum industry
also cornered the gold market?”
The eagerness
of so many people to accept superficial answers to complex problems,
is what keeps the political rackets in business. People are aware
that they have insufficient information upon which to make predictions
about intricate economic and social relationships and, presuming
that the state has access to such knowledge, allow it to take
on this role. What these individuals generally fail to understand
is that state officials are equally unable to chart or direct
the course of complex behavior.
Current society
is rapidly being transformed from vertically-structured, institutionally-dominant
systems into horizontally-interconnected networks. Our world is
becoming increasingly decentralized, with questions arising as
to the forms emerging social systems may take. The study of chaos
informs us that the multifaceted, interrelated nature of complex
systems render our world unpredictable. As our understanding of
chaos deepens, our faith in institutional omniscience will likely
be abandoned.
Our experiences
with the state should make us aware of how misplaced has been
our confidence in the centralized planning and direction of society.
It is commonplace to speak of the “unintended consequences” of
political intervention. This is just a way of acknowledging the
inconstancy and unpredictable nature of complexity. Minimum wage
laws, for instance, create increased unemployment, a problem to
which the state responds by the enactment of unemployment compensation
legislation. This program, in turn, generates the problem of welfare
fraud, to which the state makes further responses. Minimum wage
laws increase the costs of doing business, making firms less competitive
in a world market. This leads to political pressures to increase
protective tariffs and self-righteous campaigns against foreign
countries whose economies are not burdened by minimum wage legislation.
In this sense,
politics functions the way much of traditional medicine does:
to repress troublesome symptoms with remedies that produce exponential
increases in other symptoms requiring additional medications.
If you look inside an elderly person’s medicine cabinet and see
the many drugs that are used to suppress symptoms brought on by
previous drugs, you will see a perfect parallel to the expansion
of governmental “solutions” to politicogenic “problems.”
The succession
of problems occasioned by state action is reflected in other areas.
Americans who fail to understand the causal relationship between
decades of violent American foreign policies and the attacks on
the World Trade Center, will be eager to accept such simplistic
explanations of 9/11 as the product of “terrorists” bent on destroying
America out of “evil” or “envious” motivations. Any deeper inquiry
will prove too troublesome for those challenged by complexity,
and so they settle for the lies and deceptions of political authorities.
There are
simply too many unidentifiable factors working on events in our
lives for any of us to make accurate predictions of the future.
Kierkegaard understood the problem of correlating prior learning
and future conduct. “Philosophy is perfectly right,” he declared,
“in saying that life must be understood backward. But then one
forgets the other clause – that it must be lived forward.” The
variabilities that inhere in complexity make both our efforts
to understand the past and to predict the future uncertain. A
penumbra of ignorance will always enshroud both the historian
and the prophet.
But ignorance
and fear are closely entwined and, as Thoreau and others have
observed, “nothing is so much to be feared as fear.” There is
probably no greater drain on our psychic energies than fear of
the unknown. I see this in my students, and advise them, on their
first day of classes, to learn to be comfortable with uncertainty;
that an awareness of one’s ignorance is a catalyst for learning.
As the Austrian economists tell us, we act in order to be better
off after acting than if we hadn’t acted at all. So, too, learning
occurs only when we are uncomfortable with not knowing something
we would like to know.
But fear
can debilitate us, making us susceptible to the importunities
of those who promise to alleviate our fears if only we will give
the direction of our lives over to them. In this manner are institutions
born, with the state demanding the greatest authority over us,
and promising release from our uncertainties.
But
the state has no clearer crystal ball into the future than do
you or I. To the contrary, it is more accurate to suggest that
you and I are less prone to error in the management of our personal
affairs, than is the state in trying to direct the lives of hundreds
of millions of individuals. In addition to our separate interests,
the variables confronting events in your life and mine are less
numerous, and more localized, than those with which the state
deals in its efforts to collectively control all of humanity.
If you or I make an error in judgment, you or I suffer the consequences.
When the state errs in its planning, mankind in general may suffer.
A
major lesson that will likely emerge from the study of chaos is
that our world is simply too complex to be centrally managed.
If we are to live well in an inconstant and unpredictable society,
we need all the personal autonomy and spontaneity that we can
muster. Perhaps in the same way that our ancestors learned to
shift their thinking from a geocentric to a heliocentric model
of the universe, our children and grandchildren will discover
that human society functions better when it is organized horizontally
rather than vertically. In words that have become increasingly
familiar to us, “nothing grows from the top down.”