Silver and Golden Rule Societies
by
Michael S. Rozeff
by Michael S. Rozeff
Introduction
Aggressive
violence opposes freedom of action. This is a central libertarian
tenet. What then are we to make of non-violent means of controlling
an individual’s beliefs, such as methodical inculcation of religious,
nationalistic, or superstitious beliefs? Do these methods also oppose
freedom? How do we characterize such methods and contrast them with
violent methods of control?
I argue that
people endure both losses due to physical violence (p-losses) and
losses due to being instilled with beliefs that go against their
own interests (b-losses.) Libertarian theory focuses on the p-losses
because we can identify physical violence and because it implies
an external influence that a person does not voluntarily choose.
Libertarian theory neglects b-losses because they are hard to identify
(we can’t get inside people’s heads) and because we think of values
as being subjective.
Nonetheless,
the formation of beliefs is important as are b-losses. Many articles
implicitly accept the idea that they exist. Many of us write in
order to educate, persuade, and change the belief systems of people
who we think are holding harmful beliefs that are not in their own
interests. We may benefit from recognizing them in our theories.
Violent
gains and losses
To get at these
ideas, it helps to have a clear understanding of basics. I define
a gain for individual i as an increase in i’s utility. There are
two kinds of gain as classified by the means of obtaining it: violent
and non-violent. A gain by violence occurs when individual i gains
by using physical violence on individual j without j’s permission
or approval. The set of physically violent acts includes using the
threat of violence and engaging in acts that physically affect j’s
property.
I define someone
who uses physical violence to achieve gain as a criminal. Robbers,
burglars, killers, and rapists are, among others, criminals. Since
the acts of individuals associated with governments and states frequently
involve violently obtained gains, these organizations are criminal.
Varying degrees of criminality then attach to numbers of people
in the affected society who support and/or participate in the State’s
actions.
Any violent
action visited upon j that j does not permit or approve of, or that
is against j’s will, lowers j’s utility. I call a lowering of utility
a loss for person j. A lowering of utility created by physical violence
I call a p-loss. Gains that are not violently obtained are defined
as non-violent gains. Non-violent gains do not cause p-losses. Only
violent gains cause p-losses.
Non-violent
gains may, however, cause losses of a different sort. The main type
discussed below is a loss imposed by controlling a person’s beliefs.
I term this type of loss a b-loss.
Libertarian
Silver Rule society
I define a
libertarian Silver Rule society as a set of people all of whose
actions are non-violent. Everyone in this society follows the libertarian
Silver Rule. The libertarian Silver Rule states "Don’t physically
do to others what you don’t want physically done to you." In
such a society, each person does not want to have his utility lowered
by the violent actions of others, i.e., he does not want to experience
p-losses. He therefore chooses not to gain by imposing p-losses
on others.
No societies
have been or are libertarian Silver Rule societies. In our world,
people gain by either violent or non-violent means. They can gain
by not imposing p-losses on others, but they also can gain by imposing
p-losses on others. A person can produce gains in either manner.
His choice depends on the costs to him of the alternative methods
of gaining. Person j has an incentive to halt i’s violent gain,
because it is imposing a p-loss on j. But if his costs of stopping
the p-loss exceed his p-loss, he lives with the p-loss.
Libertarian
freedom and criminality
A person is
defined as libertarian free when no p-losses are imposed on him
by other persons. Libertarian freedom is the condition of a person
being libertarian free. Libertarian freedom of a person varies in
degree according to the extent of p-losses the person has.
Criminals reduce
the libertarian freedom of their victims. Criminals impose p-losses
on other people.
Criminality
has complex effects. (1) Most simply, the criminals gain and the
victims lose. (2) The victims protect themselves. This is costly,
but it holds criminals in check and limits their gains. (3) The
victims have less incentive to produce gains, because some part
of them is taken by criminals. (4) The victims have a greater incentive
to engage in actions or produce those goods that the criminals cannot
as easily impose p-losses on. (5) The greater the p-losses imposed
on the victims, the greater their incentive to stop the criminals.
(6) Criminals experience diminishing returns to crime. The greater
the p-losses they impose on victims and the more that victims resist,
the more difficult it is to impose p-losses.
So-called positive
rights for goods like medical care necessarily impose p-losses.
They are therefore incompatible with libertarian freedom.
It is possible
to argue that libertarian freedom is freedom, that is, freedom
cannot involve p-losses. I will not argue that case here.
Belief control
We can think
beyond the libertarian paradigm to a broader category of losses,
namely, losses created by external control of beliefs, or b-losses.
There are two cases. In one case the utility of the victim is lowered
by seemingly non-violent means, but behind the scenes lies violence
that enables the control of beliefs. In this case, the b-losses
are the form that the p-losses take. They are not possible without
the underlying violence. In a second case, the victim’s utility
is lowered and there is no behind-the-scenes violence. This case
lacks the criterion of physical violence by which p-losses are identified.
It is by nature more difficult to identify. Furthermore, it may
be hard to distinguish the natural acquisition of beliefs that induce
losses from beliefs intentionally instilled by others.
When there
are b-losses, the victim’s utility is lowered by control techniques
that affect his beliefs. The person develops beliefs that limit
his choices or limit his ability to seek or take advantage of opportunities
or that lead him to choose actions that do not benefit him. These
beliefs are instilled into the person by others. Sometimes they
do not have his best interests at heart.
The case of
b-losses should not be confused with a lowering of utility that
arises when market exchange values change. Changes in values of
other people as expressed in non-violent or free exchange continually
affect the utility of a given person, sometimes raising it, sometimes
lowering it. These changes do not interfere with libertarian freedom.
For example, a rise in crude oil prices lowers the utility of an
automobile owner while raising the utility of an oil well owner.
In free markets, these alterations in utility come about without
p-losses and without b-losses. In passing, note that attempts to
alter the outcomes of these non-violent processes, such as price
controls, necessarily decrease libertarian freedom and impose p-losses.
Non-violent
gains
I divide non-violent
gains into two categories according to the means of obtaining them:
controlling and non-controlling. We can also use synonyms like dominating
and non-dominating, or domineering and non-domineering. To control,
dominate, or domineer is to rule someone or exercise power over
them by using mental or emotional means.
In case one
mentioned earlier, gains by violence facilitate seemingly non-violent
control of beliefs. Criminals can extend the losses they impose
and enhance their gains by using means in which the violence is
not apparent. Suppose, for example, the State has a degree of control
over communications or information. If the victim hears or sees
undesired messages while communicating or obtaining information,
his beliefs and emotions can be influenced. It is typical of human
nature to be affected by messages even when one does not want to
be. Only with costly effort can the person resist or filter out
messages.
The most important
instance of seemingly non-violent control undergirded by violence
is state schools. A state’s educational system combines violent
means (forcing children into schools and preventing them from working)
with psychological domination. It strives to inculcate beliefs and
preferences. It strives to control thought and behavior. Moreover,
it often has the full cooperation of parents.
Gains by violence
are often accompanied by propaganda, which is a psychological means
of influencing the victim. The novel 1984
pictures the Party’s gains obtained violently and simultaneously
maintained by relatively non-violent methods of psychological control.
When these fail, the Party resorts to violent methods.
Religious
examples
Beyond the
State and beyond gains by violence, an individual faces society’s
institutions and methods of authority and the control methods used
by non-state individuals and groups. They can control and dominate
the individual. One of the prime examples is religious institutions.
For example, Laurence
Vance’s article "Killing in the Name of the Lord"
shows that the attitudes and beliefs of some American Christians
toward the Iraq War, the State, Muslims, warfare, and killing are
influenced by their religious training. It is impossible to prove
that their utility has been lowered by their belief system and that
they are experiencing b-losses. Yet we may justifiably believe and
allege this. For example, Vance says that "Christians have
been deceived" in their support of conservatives. He says that
the military "is held in great esteem by too many Christians."
He says that Christians are "under the impression that Christians
should support the war in Iraq because Christians should always
do what the government says," adding that Christians "who
hold to that opinion are not thinking." The Christianity of
some people is "warped." Support of the war in Iraq for
Israel’s sake "defies comprehension." And it is a "great
mystery" why Christians are concerned with the state. Most
of these comments indict the belief system of war-supporting Christians.
And they imply that these Christians are acting against their own
properly understood Christian interests. Their utility would rise
if they better understood a few things or were not deceived or would
think.
But we can
ask why they have these mistaken beliefs? Partly because of faulty
religious training and partly because of the State’s training.
None of this
is criticism of Vance’s analysis. Just the opposite. He called it
in detail the way he saw it. I am construing his reactions to the
Christian militarism wing as supporting the idea that there is such
a thing as non-violent b-losses.
Or to take
another example, consider Bill
Barnwell’s article "The Anti-War Christian Right Must Speak
Up" in which he observes that pro-peace arguments are maligned
by many conservative Christians as dangerous for the Church and
America. "Why do they so ardently believe this? Because that’s
what their leaders tell them to believe," he suggests. No clearer
statement could be made that non-violent institutions control individual
belief. Barnwell also implies that the militaristic Christians are
acting against their own interests when he says "Where are
the pastors making the case that the current militarism is actually
detrimental to the Church and the Christian movement?"
In my terms,
Barnwell is saying that many Christian leaders have taken the pro-war
stance. They have apparently found fertile ground to plow among
their followers. I take this as an example of non-violent b-losses.
The beliefs of the followers are being controlled or at least heavily
influenced. They would be better off or have higher utility if,
as Barnwell hopes, the peace-loving pastors would speak up. They
would then discover that supporting the war is inimical to their
own movement.
Silver Rule
society
I define a
person as being fully free when neither p-losses nor b-losses are
imposed on that person. Such freedom is uncommon. Attaining it requires
a major individual effort.
I define a
(full) Silver Rule society as a set of people none of whose actions
impose p-losses and b-losses. This is more demanding than the libertarian
Silver Rule society because it requires no b-losses. In such a society,
each person follows the Silver Rule. The Silver Rule states "Don’t
do to others what you don’t want done to you." Each person
in a Silver Rule society does not want to have his utility lowered
by either the violent actions or the controlling actions of others.
He does not want to experience p-losses or b-losses. He therefore
chooses not to gain by imposing p-losses or b-losses on others.
No societies have been or are Silver Rule societies.
The Silver
Rule has the libertarian Silver Rule as a special case in which
only physical actions and p-losses are mentioned.
Golden Rule
society
In a Golden
Rule society, each person follows the Golden Rule: "Therefore
all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye
even so to them: for this is the law and the prophets." My
purpose in mentioning this is not to interpret the Golden Rule in
its broader religious context as a man of religion might do. It
is to place the earlier analysis in a broader context.
The Golden
Rule implies the Silver Rule. If you would that a man should not
steal from you, then you should not steal from him. If you would
that a man not kill you, then do not kill a man. Unlike the Silver
Rule, the Golden Rule encourages positive actions. If you would
like to be listened to by other men, then listen to them. If you
would like to be helped in a time of need, then help others in a
time of need. If you would like to be treated fairly, then treat
others fairly.
I interpret
the Golden Rule in non-religious terms to suggest that person i’s
utility will be enhanced by acting toward person j as he prefers
j to act toward him. If person i values freedom or dislikes p-losses
and b-losses, then he stands a better chance of avoiding losses
by not imposing losses on others. The idea is other people will
tend to reciprocate. Surely if person i does the opposite, if he
imposes losses on others, he cannot expect them not to react to
avoid those losses. And those reactions, which can involve a range
of behaviors (avoidance, ostracism, demands for restitution, punishment)
will not be to i’s liking. Some of them will decrease his freedom.
Others will decrease his opportunities.
Conclusion
When beliefs
are acquired accidentally or without design, the learning process
is consistent with a free society. But when institutions and groups
instill harmful beliefs, even if by non-violent means, then we should
recognize that this is a harmful process that goes against the full
freedom of an individual. Full freedom occurs when a person is neither
physically coerced nor inculcated with beliefs that go against his
own interest. Although full freedom is at present an unattainable
ideal, it is a useful ideal. It helps us understand the activities
of those around us who impose various types of losses on us as they
seek gains. It helps us understand that even non-violent structures
of authority can harm us if we blindly expose ourselves to the authority
of leaders.
May
8, 2006
Michael
S. Rozeff [send him mail]
is the Louis M. Jacobs Professor of Finance at University at Buffalo.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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