Bernanke’s Collectivism
by
Michael S. Rozeff
by Michael S. Rozeff
Recently by Michael S. Rozeff: A
Very Few Elements of Gold Strategy
Mr. Bernanke
is the world’s premier central banker. He is a very smart man with
a stellar academic record. He has carried the ways of the seminar
into the FED. He thinks about central banking a great deal, and
he lets us know what he thinks.
But, in the
end, his thought is collectivist, and his political beliefs override
economic facts. And I think that this is a very serious matter,
because this collectivism entails the power to impose a monetary
policy on all of us who have been deprived of a free market in money
and banking. We are the losers. We are losing and have lost big
time.
Ben Bernanke
advocates price stability in no uncertain terms. In his speech in
2006, "The
Benefits of Price Stability," he extols the virtues of
price stability. I will come back to that later. But first, let
us keep our thinking as clear as possible. Let us examine the record
of price stability in the United States. We have all seen this before,
but I set it down before you again so that we know precisely what
we are talking about.
I am going
to assume that we can measure the price level. Otherwise, we cannot
talk about it. I know all the problems involved in this measurement.
But I think we all know that things generally cost more today than
50 years ago. We know that somehow we measure the price level and
that the concept of the price level has meaning for us.
There is an
inflation calculator
here that will serve our purposes. And it uses standard data
between 1800 and 2008. It’s easy to use. I insert $100 as a basic
amount of money in every calculation, and the question is how much
money it takes to buy the same goods at a later time.
Here are some
results for different periods. I choose these periods a priori.
I divide the period 1800–2008 into four nearly equal sub-periods.
The first three are 52 years each; the last is 49 years. Why do
I do that? I do that because I want long-term major facts. I do
that to remove short-term effects of all kinds. I believe that in
economic matters there are often lags that take time to work out,
and I want to overcome any such lags. The results come out as follows:
1800–1852 100
becomes 48.89
1853–1905 100
becomes 108.06
1906–1958 100
becomes 321.31
1959–2008 100
becomes 730.73
This means
that in 1852 it took $48.89 to buy what cost $100 in 1800. The price
level fell. Between 1853 and 1905, the price level rose very slightly
from 100 to 108.06. The next two sub-periods show very substantial
increases in the price level. Since 1959, the price level has gone
up seven hundred and thirty percent.
Now, I bring
to bear the following knowledge:
1. The national
banking system began in 1863. I can define an era between 1800–1862
as "sort of free banking" or call it any other name that you want
to. There was some central banking in this first era, and there
was government action in money and banking; but it was also a time
of various regulated forms of free banking. Individual banks issued
bank notes. There was no FED and no single national money.
2. I can define
1863–1913 as the national banking era. This system was by a national
statute, and it ended with the start of the FED.
3. I can define
1914–1971 as another era: the FED + central bank international gold
settlement.
4. I can define
1971–present as yet another era: the FED + no central bank gold
settlement.
Let us again
look at price level changes or price inflation.
1800–1862 100
becomes 58.64
1863–1913 100
becomes 80.36
1914–1971 100
becomes 403.90
1972–2008 100
becomes 509.17
Next, I observe
that these periods have unequal lengths. To make them comparable,
I convert to continuously compounded annual growth. I take the natural
log of end value/start value and divide by the era’s number of years.
This gives
1800–1862 ln
(58.64/100) x 1/62 = –0.0086 per annum or –0.86 percent per year
1863–1913 ln
(80.36/100) x 1/50 = –0.0044 per annum or –0.44 percent per year
1914–1971 ln
(403.9/100) x 1/57 = 0.0245 per annum or 2.45 percent per year
1971–2008 ln
(509.17/100) x 1/37 = 0.0440 per annum or 4.4 percent per year
For our purposes,
it’s not worth sub-dividing any further on the basis of other things,
such as Volcker vs. Greenspan, or wars and depressions, and so on.
I want us to be able to see the big picture about the price level.
It’s clear
that there is a remarkable difference pre-1913 (the FED’s beginning)
and after 1913.
Before and
after 1913, we have two big eras. Before 1913, there is no institutional
central bank with teeth to speak of. After 1913, we get a modern
central bank with all sorts of powers. At the same time, pre-1913
there is lots of metal (gold and silver) being used for money and
banking. After 1913, the use of metal diminishes, and the FED can
do open-market operations. We get other non-metal monies.
In these two
eras, we find
1800–1913 100
becomes 58.10. –0.0048 per year or –0.48% a year
1914–2008 100
becomes 2124.41. 0.0325 per year or 3.25% a year
In which era
is there more price stability? This is obvious. Before there is
a central bank and when metals are being used in the money and banking
system, there is greater price stability. There is no contest.
Pre-1913, the price level falls gently each year on the average
by less than ½ of one percent. After 1913, the price level rises
each year by 6.8 times as much as it used to decline before 1913
(in absolute value.) And we know that since gold disappeared from
central banking settlements altogether, from 1971 onwards, that
the price level increase even went up further, to 4.4 percent a
year in the U.S.
It is entirely
reasonable to conclude that discretionary central banking with open
market operations and without gold playing an essential constraining
role is the cause of greater price instability and price inflation.
Central banking with discretionary open market operations and without
the constraint of gold is what helps define central banking; that
and the fact that its notes are legal tender by law. If open market
operations were taken away and if the central bank had to redeem
its currency in gold, we would no longer have central banking as
we know it now and as we have known it since 1913. For this reason,
it is reasonable simply to say that central banking is the cause
of greater price instability. To achieve price stability, we need
only get rid of central banking. If we do that by stripping it of
various powers like open market operations and by making it redeem
in gold, all the while retaining the shell institution, we are essentially
getting rid of central banking.
We can reach
these conclusions if we look at the record. They are not conclusions
that depend on being a libertarian, a socialist, a democrat, a republican,
a collectivist, or anything else. And if we go into the matter more
deeply and examine the theory of how the monetary systems operate
before and after 1913, we will affirm these conclusions again. I
will do this only briefly, but enough to convey the basic idea.
Banks before 1913 could not inflate in any serious way because if
they did, there would be a run on the bank. The depositors would
demand redemption in gold, and that would cut short the bank’s inflation.
So banks had to be careful about making too many loans. After 1913,
the FED essentially had the power to inflate without having to worry
about gold redemption. At first it did this for special reasons
like wars and depression; and gold actually flowed into the U.S.
because of problems overseas. But eventually, the government simply
stopped redeeming in gold altogether, so that the FED could inflate
without gold as a constraint. And so, no matter what our political
beliefs are, we have to conclude that sensible theory also tells
us that central banking causes price instability.
Let’s see what
Ben Bernanke says about price stability.
"In
particular, I will argue for what I believe has become the consensus
view, that the mandated goals of price stability and maximum employment
are almost entirely complementary. Central bankers, economists,
and other knowledgeable observers around the world agree that
price stability both contributes importantly to the economy's
growth and employment prospects in the longer term and moderates
the variability of output and employment in the short to medium
term."
My goodness,
he believes that price stability contributes to economic growth
and to lower variability of output and employment. He should favor
getting rid of the FED in that case, for the evidence is overwhelming
that the FED has de-stabilized the price level.
He says
"Price
stability plays a dual role in modern central banking: It is both
an end and a means of monetary policy."
If price stability
is a goal of monetary policy, then executing monetary policy via
the FED is a darn poor way to achieve it. We could achieve it better
by going back to the pre-FED system. In the 1800–1863 free banking
era, the price level fell by less than 1 percent a year.
Bernanke really
believes in price stability:
"Fundamentally,
price stability preserves the integrity and purchasing power of
the nation's money. When prices are stable, people can hold money
for transactions and other purposes without having to worry that
inflation will eat away at the real value of their money balances.
Equally important, stable prices allow people to rely on the dollar
as a measure of value when making long-term contracts, engaging
in long-term planning, or borrowing or lending for long periods.
As economist Martin Feldstein has frequently pointed out, price
stability also permits tax laws, accounting rules, and the like
to be expressed in dollar terms without being subject to distortions
arising from fluctuations in the value of money. Economists like
to argue that money belongs in the same class as the wheel and
the inclined plane among ancient inventions of great social utility.
Price stability allows that invention to work with minimal friction."
And if you
read this speech in full, you will find even more reasons he gives
why price stability is a good thing. He just goes on and on and
on about how wonderful price stability is.
I myself am
not affirming that price stability is a good thing. I personally
believe that we should have free markets (which in my mind includes
ethical and legal practices that aim at personal responsibility,
no theft, and no fraud) and let the price level chips fall where
they may. We should not have a body that is measuring the price
level and attempting to manipulate it.
My point is
that if Bernanke believes all this about price stability, then he
should advocate getting rid of central banking. Why doesn’t he do
that? The answer goes beyond economics. It goes to social and political
theory. The answer is that he does not believe in a free market
or free banking. He believes in collectivism. His personal political
beliefs override the facts of economics.
What is collectivism?
There are some decent quotes here
that give the sense of the idea. Ayn Rand’s statement is a good
one:
"Collectivism
means the subjugation of the individual to a group – whether to
a race, class or state does not matter. Collectivism holds that
man must be chained to collective action and collective thought
for the sake of what is called 'the common good'."
Bernanke thinks
that individual actions that add up to overall monetary outcomes
(which is a kind of spontaneous free market policy) are inferior
to centralized monetary policy imposed at the discretion of an elite
run by him and other central bankers. He simply does not believe
in liberty and free markets.
It is a clear
fact that monetary policy affects the price level. Bernanke believes
this. But Bernanke believes that the FED should control the
price level through monetary policy, although such control is associated
with price level and economic instability. He does not believe in
liberty. He is a collectivist, and his collectivism overrules and
biases his views of the economics of the matter. He blinds himself
to the fact that a system of no central banking and decentralized
free banking stabilizes the price level better than a central banking
system unattached to gold.
I could try
to persuade him that when the FED attempts to control the price
level, it introduces price instability and economic problems.
I don’t think he will accept that. He happens to believe that the
FED under Greenspan did a marvelous job:
"Most
striking, Greenspan's tenure aligns closely with the Great Moderation,
the reduction in economic volatility I mentioned earlier, as well
as with a strong revival in U.S. productivity growth – developments
that had many sources, no doubt, but that were supported, in my
view, by monetary stability."
Written in
2006, he did not understand that, despite a seemingly low rate of
price inflation, the central banking system still was causing
serious problems that would show up the very next year. He cannot
see these things because of his political belief in collectivist
monetary policy.
Bernanke
believes that inflation targeting is the way to go for the FED:
"What
I find particularly appealing about constrained discretion, which
is the heart of the inflation-targeting approach, is the possibility
of using it to get better results in terms of both inflation and
employment. Personally, I subscribe unreservedly to the Humphrey-Hawkins
dual mandate, and I would not be interested in the inflation-targeting
approach if I didn't think it was the best available technology
for achieving both sets of policy objectives."
Bernanke’s
collectivism is on full display in his endorsement of the Humphrey-Hawkins
Full Employment Act which I have taken apart piece by piece
here.
I think that
even if we were able to explain the drawbacks of any central
banking regime to Bernanke, even one that engaged in inflation-targeting,
he would not back down from his belief in central banking. His belief
in central banking is that firmly anchored:
"I have
always taken it to be a bedrock principle that when the stability
or very functioning of financial markets is threatened, as during
the October 1987 stock market crash or the September 11 terrorist
attacks, that the Federal Reserve would take a leadership role
in protecting the integrity of the system."
In point of
fact, markets respond to information about problems in the economic
system, and that includes the international currency system. As
I wrote
a few years back:
"Crashes
and price movements in general are notoriously hard to explain,
but in this case [1987] the evidence points clearly to concerns
about the international
currency system. The latter was one of the basic causes at
work in 1929 and again in 1972–74. After several such experiences
and others in the nineteenth century, we have every reason to
believe that monetary concerns are often central to bear markets.
This important fact is not as widely known or appreciated as it
should be."
What
we are dealing with in someone like Bernanke is ingrained beliefs
and prejudices. No matter how many arguments one may come up with,
a smart person like him will come up with new rationales, new facts,
and new interpretations so as to deflect the arguments. He will
defend his economic position adamantly because he holds a political
opinion that he will not abandon.
We do not have
here a simple matter of differences in opinion between some economists
and others, with Bernanke interpreting economic matters one way
and some of us interpreting them another way. Yes, that sometimes
goes on; but it is hard to see in this case that one can deny that
price stability was achieved in the 19th century without
the FED and that there are good reasons why it was achieved without
the FED. Collectivists like Bernanke who pass and laud measures
like the Humphrey-Hawkins Act do not accept economic facts and theories
that may be true. They resolve conflicts between truth and their
beliefs by sticking to their collectivist beliefs.
People who
stubbornly believe things that are false are no great problem to
the rest of us as long as they don’t have the power to make us go
along with their prejudices.
This is not
the case in our political system. We have a very serious problem.
The collectivists are running the entire society and they are wrecking
it. Ben Bernanke is one of them. Replacing him with another collectivist
won’t do any good. The institutions we have are collectivist, and
they attract collectivists to run them.
July
31, 2009
Michael
S. Rozeff [send him mail]
is a retired Professor of Finance living in East Amherst, New York.
Copyright
© 2009 by LewRockwell.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in
part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given.
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