Where
to Cut? Anywhere, Everywhere
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
Like
most governors around the country, Arnold is immediately faced with
a quandary. There are more commitments to fund services than there
is revenue to fund them. The first impulse is to raise taxes, but
this goes against a more abstract piece of wisdom: high taxes discourage
enterprise, which could, in the long run, harm revenue flow.
The
Supply Siders have long encouraged the view that you can have your
tax-cut cake and eat it too, inasmuch as lower taxes generate new
investment which yields more revenue. That's fine, but hard to take
for granted, since no one can know with certainty that this will
happen at a particular tax rate and thus if (or when) the new revenue
will arrive.
In
most states today, there is no magic bullet: spending must be cut.
The federal government has to worry less about this because it owns
the printing presses that allow it to print as much money as it
wants to spend. At the state-level, however, politicians bear the
burden of finding real resources to back their spending promises
or going back on those promises.
Now,
budget cuts are always and everywhere a good thing because resources
are better employed by private individuals rather than burgled and
squandered by government. Government spending of all sorts may appear
"generous," but it is backed by coercion since it is paid for by
force, whether through direct taxes, borrowings that crowd out private
investment (and are to be repaid by taxes), or revenue that comes
through charges on monopolized services.
We
know why it is difficult to cut government spending. The political
process is muddy and slow. The interest groups dependent on the
money clamor and scream. The politicians who depend on the interest
groups are always ready to swing into action to defend a particular
spending program. No politician wants to be seen as "cruel" or penurious
(even though they are using other people's money).
As
bad as these considerations are, none of them get to the heart of
the real dilemma concerning spending cuts, which is more fundamental.
It is this: there is no way to know what cuts are economically rational
and what cuts are not. There is no real test to gauge this question.
It all comes down to political whim, which is to say that all budget
cuts in government are economically arbitrary. This is in contrast
to private enterprise, where there are always indicators to show
the way to rational budget cuts and a means to gauge whether the
right decisions have been made.
Let's
back up a bit in order to understand why. In private enterprise,
business has access to the accounting books, which are designed
to reveal income and outgo and thus profit and loss. Expenses go
toward purchasing goods for sale, labor costs, production costs,
marketing, and a host of other considerations. There is also a detailed
revenue breakdown, so that managers can see which undertakings are
yielding revenue and which ones are not. If particular lines of
production are not generating revenue, and not likely to do so in
the future, they are living red-flags screaming "Cut me, cut me!"
If other lines are generating revenue, they scream: "Expand, expand."
Yes,
there are judgment calls to make. All data that managers deal with
are past data; meanwhile, managers are dealing with an uncertain
future. The market is a process of ceaseless change. Prices change,
as do consumer valuations. Business conditions change too, and the
entrepreneur has to decide whether to prepare for sunny weather
or stormy days ahead. Making these judgment calls is the essence
of good management. Experience helps, of course, but it is not everything.
Even
given this, private enterprise isn't flying blind. The balance sheet
doesn't cease to exist after the cuts have been made. There is a
market test to determine if the right decisions have been made.
How does it do this? Through the glorious indicator of profit and
loss. Profits indicate that the right (most economical) decisions
have been made. Losses indicate that something is still wrong and
more has to be done. It could be that the business needs to shut
its doors, and economically reality will ensure that this will be
done if there is no way to rescue profitability.
In
government, it is completely different. Managers are faced with
a revenue flow that is utterly unrelated to outflow. Those who benefit
are not usually the ones who pay. The recipients of the money or
services are not paying a market price, so their purchase or non-purchase
of the good is not a reliable indicator of its value. And the revenue
stream is not controlled by the payers because they have no choice
as to whether to fund or not fund the system. The government is
merely a giant machine that takes and gives in an unchecked process.
For
this reason, government bookkeeping is completely unlike private
enterprise. It cannot identify profitable lines of production versus
money-losing ones, so it cannot discover the least-cost means of
cutting back. Whereas judgment calls are essential in private enterprise,
they are tied to assessments concerning the social merit of the
enterprise as judged by profit and loss. In the so-called public
sector, judgment calls are only that: the preference of the
person making the judgment.
An
example: let's say the government funds 100 public parks. Some people
call this waste but others say it is not, because of the crying
need for more green public space. The pro-cut faction makes the
point that nobody visits these parks. The anti-cut faction says
that this isn't the point because the whole community benefits by
their very existence, and, in any case, the fact that people don't
go to them cuts down on clean-up costs. The pro-cut faction says
that the money is better left in the hands of private developers.
The anti-cut faction says that pastoral scenes are more important
than strip malls.
So
goes the debate, on and on. Who is right? We might be more sympathetic
to one side of the debate or the other. But in the end, there is
no real way to know. No one knows for sure whether the public parks
are really socially beneficial because there is no means to discover
their worth. They cannot be bought or sold. They may be just the
thing to have, or they might be a fantastic waste of money. The
only way to know for sure is to subject their existence to the disciplines
of private enterprise.
What's
true of public parks is true of the whole panoply of government-provided
goods and services. That goes for every line of the budget, from
public housing to education funding to military intelligence. We
all have our opinions concerning what is valuable. But from an economic
point of view, these are irrelevant. What matters is how people
are willing to use real resources in the real economy. (A possible
objection: what about a government service that really does "pay
for itself," yielding more revenue than expense? Answer: if it can
be shown to be economically viable, there is no excuse remaining
for not privatizing it!)
This
is one reason so many political arguments are beside the point.
Some people say it is outrageous to fund welfare for bums when the
national-security state is so starved for cash. Others say it is
grotesque to spend money bombing innocents abroad while the poor
languish and starve at home. Who is right? Neither, and, in practice,
they agree to disagree and fund both (which is one reason the state
always grows).
How
society should use its resources is something that no one person
is in a position to determine. The market economy provides the mechanism
to sort out conflicts among differing valuations.
Given
this, what does the government do when it comes time to cut the
budget? It cuts in ways that are most beneficial to the government.
This could mean punishing the public in the most severe way possible,
as when the federal government closes the only services that people
really depend on (monuments, passport offices, and the like). It
could also mean punishing one's political enemies, as when Democrats
slash funding for those likely to vote Republican, or Republicans
slash funding for those likely to vote Democratic.
In
times of tight revenue, the question always arises: where are you
going to cut the budget? There is no way to win this game. No matter
what the politician says, the media are ready to scream in defense
of those being cut. The only good answer is the one Murray Rothbard
gave: cut anywhere and everywhere.
Thus
can economists agree with both right and left. It is grotesque to
fund welfare and/or warfare when there are so many needs going unmet.
Any steps away from government provision of resources are steps
toward accountability and social benefit as measured by the only
means of determining such things, through the free and voluntary
interactions of real people using their resources as they see fit.
October
9, 2003
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, and editor of LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2003 LewRockwell.com
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